Back to Issue: No.4, 2024

Pro-Russian political forces in Europe: Factors of electoral support

Abstract

The purpose of this study was to identify and systematise the key factors that determine the electoral support for pro-Russian political forces in the European Union in the context of the Russian-Ukrainian war. To fulfil this purpose, a comprehensive analysis of the historical dynamics and current state of pro-Russian parties in the EU was performed, the level of their electoral support was investigated, and the key factors influencing their popularity were identified. The findings of the study show that Russian aggression against Ukraine has become a catalyst for significant transformations in the strategies and rhetoric of pro-Russian forces, forcing them to adapt to new geopolitical realities. The study covered a heterogeneous picture of electoral support for these parties in different EU countries: while in some states, especially in Central and Eastern Europe, there was a decline in the popularity of openly pro-Russian forces, in other countries they maintained or even strengthened their positions. The key factors contributing to the rise in popularity of pro-Russian political forces were economic problems related to the energy crisis and inflation, Euroscepticism and anti-globalisation sentiment, and the influence of Russian disinformation. Cultural and historical ties with Russia also play a significant role, especially in Central and Eastern Europe. The study found that pro-Russian forces have adapted their rhetoric, often po- sitioning themselves as “neutral” and focusing on criticising sanctions against Russia from an economic perspective. This strategy allows them to maintain electoral support while avoiding direct accusations of supporting the aggressor. A signif- icant aspect of their activities has been the use of information technology to spread alternative narratives and undermine trust in European institutions. The findings of this study highlight the need for a comprehensive approach to counter- ing pro-Russian influences in Europe, including strengthening economic solidarity in the EU, improving communication between European institutions and citizens, and developing effective strategies to combat disinformation

Keywords

euroscepticism; populism; disinformation; sanctions; energy crisis; inflation; electoral behaviour

References

[1] Arzheimer, K. (2023). To Russia with love? German populist actorsʼ positions vis-a-vis the Kremlin. In G. Ivaldi & E. Zankina (Eds.), The impacts of the Russian invasion of Ukraine on right-wing populism in Europe (pp. 157-167). Brussels: ECPS.

[2] Becker, M., & von Ondarza, N. (2024). Geostrategy from the far right: How eurosceptic and far-right parties are positioning themselves in foreign and security policy. Berlin: SWP.

[3] Bokinskie, L. (2024). Russian political warfare: What it is, what itʼs not, and why it isnʼt working. Global Insight: A Journal of Critical Human Science and Culture, 4, 23-230. doi: 10.32855/globalinsight.2024.003.

[4] Braghiroli, S. (2023). Europeʼs Russia-friendly parties put to the test by Putinʼs invasion of UkraineJournal of Regional Security, 18(1), 29-38.

[5] Butt, S., & Byman, D. (2023). Right-wing extremism: The Russian connection. In Survival: Global politics and strategy (pp. 137-151). London: Routledge.

[6] Cohen, R. (2023). In Europe, pockets of pro-Russia voices persist. The New York Times. Retrieved from https://go.gale.com/ps/i.do?id=GALE%7CA762594136&sid=googleScholar&v=2.1&it=r&linkaccess=abs&issn=03624331&p=AONE&sw=w.

[7] Consolidated Version of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union. (2020, March). Retrieved from https:// www.legislation.gov.uk/eut/teec/article/194.

[8] Csanyi, P. (2023). Slovakia political briefing: The review of Slovak political development in 2023China-CEE Institute. Budapest: China CEE-Institute.

[9] EEAS. (2024). 2nd EEAS report on foreign information manipulation and interference threats. Retrieved from https://www.eeas.europa.eu/sites/default/files/documents/2024/EEAS-2nd-Report%20on%20FIMI%20Threats-January-2024_0.pdf.

[10] EU Charter of Fundamental Rights. (2000, December). Retrieved from https://ccl.org.ua/posts/2021/11/hartiya-osnovnyh-prav-yevropejskogo-soyuzu/.

[11] Ferraro, V. (2023). The contradictions in Vladimir Putinʼs “just war” against Ukraine: The myths of NATOʼs containment, minority protection and denazification. SciELO Preprints. doi: 10.1590/SciELOPreprints.5486.

[12] Futàk-Campbell, B. (2020). Political synergyAtlantisch Perspectief, 44(1), 30-35.

[13] Garzia, D. (2023). The Italian parliamentary election of 2022: The populist radical right takes charge. West European Politics, 46(5), 1038-1048. doi: 10.1080/01402382.2022.2148603.

[14] Grzymała-Busse, A. (2024). How Ukraine divides postcommunist Europe. Journal of Democracy, 35(1), 74-86. doi: 10.1353/jod.2024.a915350.

[15] Guerra, N. (2023). The Russia-Ukraine war has shattered the Italian far right. Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggressiondoi: 10.1080/19434472.2023.2206468.

[16] Guerra, N. (2024). The Russian-Ukrainian war has shattered the European far right. The opposing influences of Steve Bannon and Aleksandr Dugin. European Politics and Society, 25(2), 421-439. doi: 10.1080/23745118.2023.2294842.

[17] Hooghe, L., Marks, G., Bakker, R., Jolly, S., Polk, J., Rovny, J., Steenbergen, N., & Vachudova, M.A. (2024). The Russian threat and the consolidation of the West: How populism and EU-skepticism shape party support for Ukraine. European Union Politicsdoi: 10.1177/14651165241237136.

[18] Hungaryʼs Orban blames EUʼs Russia sanctions for energy crisis, wants them scrapped. (2022). Retrieved from https://www.rferl.org/a/hungary-orban-russia-sanctions-lifted-ukraine/32046405.html.

[19] Ivaldi, G. (2023). The impact of the Russia-Ukraine War on radical right-wing populism in France. In The impacts of the Russian invasion of Ukraine on right-wing populism in Europe (pp. 141-154). Brussels: European Center for Populism Studies. doi: 10.55271/rp0019.

[20] Ivanov, H., & Laruelle, M. (2022). Why still pro-Russia? Making sense of Hungaryʼs and Serbiaʼs Russia stance. London: The Henry Jackson Society.

[21] Jakobson, M.L., & Kasekamp, A. (2023). The impact of the Russia-Ukraine War on right-wing populism in Estonia. In G. Ivaldi & E. Zankina (Eds.), The impacts of the Russian invasion of Ukraine on right-wing populism in Europe (pp. 115-125). Brussels: European Center for Populism Studies.

[22] Mitsi, D.(2023). Public debt and economic growth after COVID-19 in Europe: Challenges and policy implicationsReviev of the European Studies, 15(4), article number 31.

[23] Mölder, M. (2024). Estonia: Political developments and data in 2023: Fortunes found and lost. European Journal of Political Research Political Data Yearbookdoi: 10.1111/2047-8852.12447.

[24] Mudde, C. (2024). The far right and the 2024 European electionsIntereconomics, 59(2), 61-65.

[25] Nanuashvili, U. (2020). Far-right radicalisation and Russian soft powerNew Eastern Europe, 4(42), 38-42.

[26] Paulovičová, N., & Soroka, G. (2024). The post-communist far right and its transnational linkages. Nationalities Papersdoi: 10.1017/nps.2024.33.

[27] Resolution of the European Parliament No. 2022/2564(RSP) “On the Russian Aggression Against Ukraine”. (2022, March). Retrieved from https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/?uri=CELEX%3A52022IP0052.

[28] Ruszel, M. (2017). Energy security from different perspectives – Germany and Poland. In W. Priesmeyer-Tkocz (Ed.), Common values (pp. 113-130). Baden-Baden: Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG. doi: 10.5771/9783845284774.

[29] Sadecki, A. (2022). Electoral triumph for Fidesz, but a difficult term ahead. Retrieved from https://www.ceeol.com/search/gray-literature-detail?id=1163503.

[30] Sayem, S. (2024). The hard right riddle in the EU elections. International Policy Digest. Retrieved from http://surl.li/ ishidv.

[31] Saylan, İ., & Aknur, M. (2024). The populist challenge to normative and geopolitical Europe. Ankara Avrupa Çalışmaları Dergisi, 23, 13-42. doi: 10.32450/aacd.1440721.

[32] Siegel, C. (n.d.). The European Union and the Russian-Ukrainian war. Retrieved from https://libres.uncg.edu/ir/uncg/f/C_Siegel_European_2024.pdf.

[33] Slovak, P.M. (2024). Ukraine must give up territory to end Russian invasion. Retrieved from https://www.politico.eu/ article/slovakia-prime-minister-robert-fico-ukraine-cede-territory-russia-moscow-invasion-nato-entry/.

[34] Sobieraj, K. (2023). The Euro crisis in the press: Political debate in Germany, Poland, and the United Kingdom. Cham: Springer Nature.

[35] Stefan, M. (2023). EU policies for developing capabilities to counter hybrid threatsRomanian Military Thinking, 1, 168-181.

[36] Toussaint, E. (2024). France: Thanks to a massive mobilization of the Left the Far Right cannot control the government. Retrieved from https://www.cadtm.org/France-Thanks-to-a-massive-mobilization-of-the-Left-the-Far-Right-cannot.

[37] Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union. (1957, March). Retrieved from https://www.jus.uio.no/english/ services/library/treaties/09/9-01/tfeu_cons.html.

[38] United Nations Charter. (1945, October). Retrieved from https://www.un.org/en/about-us/un-charter/full-text.

[39] Voskresenskii, V. (2023). Migrating counterpublics: German far-right online groups on Russian social mediaInternational Journal of Communication, 17, 926-946.

[40] Weiss, A.S. (2020). With friends like these: The Kremlinʼs far-right and populist connections in Italy and Austria. Washington: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

Suggested citation

Dmytrenko, S. (2024). Pro-Russian political forces in Europe: Factors of electoral support. Foreign Affairs, 34(4), 104-115. https://doi.org/10.46493/2663-2675.34(4).2024.104
Submit an article