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№9 / 2016
25.01.2017, 12:35

EU's Eastern Partnership in today's realities: Problems and ProspectsTetyana Sydoruk SUMMARYThe effectiveness and prospects of the European Union project called "Eastern Partnership" in the context of experience of the initiative and contemporary geopolitical realities in Europe are analyzed. Conclusions on the need for a new concept of modern eastern EU policy are made.Key words: Eastern Partnership, European Union, eastern neighbours, association agreement, reforms. Part I.After the "great expansion" in 2004 the EU launched the European Neighborhood Policy (hereinafter - ENP) on its eastern and southern neighbors, the purpose of which, according to then-European Commission President Romano Prodi, was to create a "ring of friends" around the EU. After 10 years in September 2014 the influential British magazine "The Economist" a little rough, but just said that the EU is surrounded by a "ring of fire" on its eastern and southern suburbs instead of "ring of friends" that he tried to build around him during the previous decade [1]. Revisionist policy in the East of challenges not only the basics of security of the European continent, but also a threat to the whole international order. In the South, the disintegration of Libya civil war in Syria, the rise of Islamic States and many other political, economic and security problems destroyed the sense of security and thrown new challenges for a united Europe (primarily migratory crisis and terrorism) from this flank. As Karl Bildt said in his speech at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (Washington) in April 2015, the words uttered by R. Prodi in 2003, no longer rings true [2, p. 3]. Indeed, the reality and perception of the EU neighboring countries and regions have changed dramatically over the past few years that led to a comprehensive review of common approaches and specific tools of the EU in its relations with neighbors. "Arab Spring" caused the first reconsideration of the European Neighborhood Policy. The main priorities of the revised ENP outlined in the report of the European Commission entitled "A new response to changes in neighboring countries" [3], published May 25, 2011. However, as pointed out by Director of the Institute for Security Studies of the European Union (Paris) A. Missiroli, a slight increase in ENP funding in subsequent years was not enough to compete with the significant resources invested by other regional players (monarchies of the Persian Gulf or Russia). The economic crisis has made the EU even less compliant in the matter of opening of European markets for goods from neighboring countries, and the migration crisis has not only added a new security challenges the EU, but also questioned the prospects for visa liberalization with the partner countries [4, p. 10]. This nullified the possibility of full use of the potential of the renewed Neighborhood Policy. At the same time at the Vilnius Summit 28-29 November 2013 was suffered a crushing defeat on the Eastern Partnership (hereinafter - JV). First, Armenia initially refused to continue working on the preparation of the Association Agreement with the EU, followed by Ukraine - geopolitically key country of the region, more (in terms of population and GDP) from the other five EaP countries combined - have refused to sign the prepared agreement. Next - worse: Russia's annexation of Crimea and the Russian-Ukrainian conflict in the Donbass, which erupted in 2014, radically changed the situation in Eastern Europe, and most ominously - security. Under the influence of these factors, EU leaders initiated a complete "reboot" of the ENP, which resulted in a joint communication of the European Commission and the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy on "Review of European Neighborhood Policy", published November 18, 2015 [5]. According to it declared new approach stabilization, differentiation and more joint involvement of the EU and neighboring countries will be the main political priorities of the ENP. Done renewed emphasis on intensification of work with partners in the security sector - mainly on policies of conflict prevention, the fight against terrorism and countering radicalization. Other priorities are, on the one hand, safety and mobility on legal grounds and on the other - the fight against irregular migration, trafficking and smuggling. ENP also mobilizes efforts to support economic and social development of the partner countries, increase employment opportunities for young people will be among the key measures of economic stabilization [5]. All this proves significant changes in neighborhood policy - almost everything except its name, though rebranding of the ENP and give it a more appropriate funding remains desirable areas of transformation in the longer term [4, p. 11]. Also other questions and options are now discussing in the Member States and partner countries on new priorities and forms of future EU relations with neighboring countries. The Eastern Partnership the EU is faced with three major challenges:1) The influence of Russia, which is counterbalance the influence of the EU in the region. This problem is not only the desire of Russia to influence domestic policy choices and identify foreign countries joint venture, but the debate within the EU on whether the can (should) break the existing joint venture the balance of power in the region, which Russia considers its "canonical territory" and informal veto of Russia in EU decision concerning the respective countries;2) Lack of real incentives by the EU to support internal reforms in the partner countries: in exchange for political and economic reform and the adoption of the EU (the process is extremely complex and expensive) partner countries only offer integration into the EU internal market, not full membership in the Union, it is questionable as to whether the costs of adaptation to EU standards will not be higher than the proposed EU incentives;3) Lack of tools to respond to the problem of hard security in the region. EaP was built on a principle of limited intervention in the issue of "hard security", including regional separatism. And it is in this area in recent years the situation has deteriorated, and the result was a flash in the 2008 Russo-Georgian war, Russia's recognition of breakaway republics of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, the military annexation of Crimea-Russia war in Eastern Ukraine. Consider these issues in more detail.Influence of Russia. Even the advent of the ENP, and then the joint venture, Russia did not hide his concern that the spread of European standards in Eastern Europe it will inevitably gravitate to the EU. Introducing the ENP the EU entered the region that Moscow regards as its zone of vital national interests. Since then, in post-Soviet Eastern Europe formed an international space competition for influence between the two centers of power - the European and Russian where "European neighborhood" in the sense of the ENP /EaP is superimposed on the Russian "near abroad". Russia began to seek measures to halt European integration of SP [For details, see 6]. Traditional instruments that apply Russia to prevent the spread of Western values ​​and standards of the former Soviet Union and the output of the joint venture from its sphere of influence - is trade sanctions, restrictions on energy exports, the impact on domestic political processes through its agents, the escalation of "frozen conflicts" support local separatists, the military intervention. In addition, accelerated the formation of an alternative integration space in the form of the Eurasian Economic Union. There is no doubt that initiatives to deepen the integration processes in the former Soviet Union after 2008 (Eurasian Customs Union in 2010, the Eurasian Economic Union in 2015) were a response to the launch of the joint venture. Although the latter was not invented against Russia - on the contrary, the program was designed so as to avoid a confrontation with her, because it was found that any activity in Eastern Europe is perceived by Moscow hostile. Despite weak economic base of the Eurasian Economic Union has a rigid organizational structure than its predecessors, and the project is actually implemented. Moreover, Russia sees it as a real tool for the reintegration of the former Soviet Union, including countries that are parties to the joint venture (today Belarus and Armenia). Despite on these measures of Russia, at the end of June 2014 the EU made the historic step of signing the Association Agreement, including a deep and comprehensive free trade area with Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine. But because of public fears of that free trade agreement Ukraine and the EU will have a negative impact on its economy, in the spring were launched trilateral consultations EU-Russia-Ukraine inter-institutional level to discuss this issue in terms of the escalation of the conflict in Ukraine, its heavy losses in fighting against Russian-terrorism forces and the difficult economic situation, 12 September 2014 the European Union has decided to postpone the start of the most important-economic-part of the Association agreement on 14 months. The postponement to January 1, 2016 entry into force of the section on free trade showed the fact that Russia has become an informal veto player of bilateral relations between Ukraine and the EU [7, p. 12]. This unprecedented practice that the entry into force of the bilateral agreement between the EU and other countries discussed with a third party is a threat to all policies JV. This created a dangerous precedent because Moscow was the third party, which directly affect the bilateral relations between the EU and partner countries. In the context of Russia's desire to acquire informal veto on decisions of the EU (and anyone at all) for States post-Soviet space in some EU common is the idea that the policy of the joint venture violated the balance of power in Eastern Europe because Russia had to defend themselves and do steps to recover it. This caused the aggressive actions of Russia in Ukraine. Similar considerations inherent even some authoritative scholars on the other side of the Atlantic. For example, Professor G. Mirshaymer the University of Chicago (known representative of neo-realism) argues that the US and its European allies, who were too active policy in the region, primarily responsible for the crisis in Ukraine, not Russia, "The event moves to the back yard Russia and threatens its key strategic interests. " According to the scientist, the conflict proves that "European leaders and the US mistaken in trying to turn Ukraine into a Western stronghold on the border of Russia. Now that the consequences of this became apparent, it would be an even greater mistake to continue this shameful policy. Therefore, the only solution is to restore the balance of power, and recognition of the effects of the suspension of NATO and EU initiatives in the region "[8]. Similar, though less severe, statements, and repeatedly heard from the mouth of one of the greatest modern geostrategic Henry Kissinger: "The West should understand that Russia will never consider Ukraine as abroad" [9]. However, this approach, firstly, denies the possibility of Eastern Europe and the Southern Caucasus to determine their own future and, secondly, the European Union - to shape policy framework for its immediate neighborhood, including the signing of their commercial or other agreements. Therefore, while Russia will not participate in the EaP, it clearly affects its agenda. This is supported partially successful Russian campaign of sabotage EU association process with its eastern neighbors. Carefully thought-out package of measures resulted in a radical change in foreign policy of Armenia, "Vilnius" Ukraine refusal to sign the Association Agreement with the EU delaying the entry into force "trade" part of the agreement. Inherent EU eastern policy in recent decades, the strategy of "do not create problems in relations with Russia" failed in terms of its results. Despite the reluctance of EU conflict with Russia, it inevitably clash. If the EU this time again - after the annexation by Russia of the Crimea and military aggression in eastern Ukraine - return to the principle of "business as usual" (normalization of economic relations and the lifting of sanctions and the restoration of political dialogue) with Russia (as did the Russian-Georgian conflict 2008), it means that it is willing to tolerate any behavior by Russian conventional red line drawn by the Kremlin on the map of Europe, and it recognizes the right of veto in the region. If the EU does not want to repeat the mistake of 2008, when sanctions and other restrictive measures on Russia should be maintained until conditions change that led to their introduction. From the position of the EU, its readiness and determination to take Russia (and state SP) as they are, and according to this to build its policy depends not only continued viability of the Common Foreign and Security Policy, the future of the joint venture, but in many ways - expanding area of ​​democracy, rule of law and economic freedoms in Europe. The transformation of the joint venture requires consideration of "pain points" that leave the partner countries open to Russian influence, and the formation of the positions at EU level. If the EU has a direct interest in minimizing the impact of in EaP countries, the best way that will help them "build" their independence and resist Russian attempts to encroach on their sovereignty, rejecting any possibility for Russia to get an informal veto in matters of cooperation between EU countries and the joint venture. Incentives for reform.The incentives that the EU offer as part of the joint venture, traditionally formulated as the "three Ms": money, markets and mobility ("three Ms": Money, Markets and Mobility) [10, p. 15]. They offered under the association agreements are drawn up guidelines for legislative and economic reforms in order to go to the rules and standards of the EU: EU financial assistance for reform; access to the common market (it is a percentage), which is expected within the deep and comprehensive free trade areas provided legal and technical harmonization; mobility - gradual steps towards visa liberalization. However, in the course of EaP, it became clear that although some countries and showed more or less significant progress in the implementation of certain provisions of the program, in general, this has not led to significant internal transformations in Eastern Europe. According to estimates by Freedom House (see. Table. 1) Freedom index in partner countries in the implementation of the joint venture remained the same, while in some countries such as Azerbaijan and Ukraine, even decreased. Countries that were unstable and unconsolidated democracies ten years ago, and remained so. Georgia, Moldova, Ukraine started with a 3.5 score ten years ago, and their assessment slightly improved to 3 (lower estimate demonstrates a better situation in the range of 1 to 7). Over the past decade, they have experienced turbulent political changes, but mainly their political systems have not changed. Belarus, Azerbaijan and Armenia throughout the period under consideration are entrenched authoritarian political system in which the prospect of joining the opposition to power through elections seems increasingly illusory. Table 1.Index of freedom in the EaP countries in 2004-2015

Country

2004

2005

2006

2007

2008

2009

2010

2011

2012

2013

2014

2015

Armenia

4

4,5

4,5

4,5

4,5

5

5

5

5

4,5

4,5

4,5

Azerbaijan

5,5

5,5

5,5

5,5

5,5

5,5

5,5

5,5

5,5

5,5

6

6

Georgia

4,5

3,5

3

3

4

4

4

3,5

3,5

3

3

3

Belarus

6

6,5

6,5

6,5

6,5

6,5

6,5

6,5

6,5

6,5

6,5

6,5

Moldova

3,5

3,5

3,5

3,5

3,5

4

3,5

3

3

3

3

3

Ukraine

4

3,5

2,5

2,5

2,5

2,5

2,5

3

3,5

3,5

3,5

3

EaP remains weak instrument for the transformation of the region to the east of the EU. The main limitation of this policy stems not so much from the quality of programs, projects, tools or even the amount of attracted resources, but from its very essence, which is the alternative enlargement policy, and therefore - lack important incentive that would be pushing EU collaborates the necessary changes - membership perspective. SP as enlargement policy based on conditionality (to get "x", you must do "in"), but its main incentives - free trade and free movement of people - not as attractive as full membership in the EU, and is available financial assistance is insufficient to offset the cost of stakeholders comprehensive reform. Famous German F. Shymelfennih and H. Scholz generally argue that the lack of action prospect of membership conditionality ENP doomed to failure [12, p. 3]. To be continued.... 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Why the Ukraine Crisis Is the West's Fault [Electronic resource]. - Access mode: www.foreignaffairs.com/<wbr>articles/141769/john-j-<wbr>mearsheimer/why-the-ukraine-<wbr>crisis-is-the-wests-fault9. Kissinger H. To settle the Ukraine crisis, start at the end [Electronic resource]. - Access mode: www.washingtonpost.com/<wbr>opinions/henry-kissinger-to-<wbr>settle-the-ukraine-crisis-<wbr>start-at-the-end/2014/03/05/<wbr>46dad868-a496-11e3-8466-<wbr>d34c451760b9_story.html10. Eastern Partnership in a Changed Security Environment: New Incentives for Reform : Study / L. Kasčiūnas, V. Ivanauskas, V. Keršanskas, L. Kojala. - Vilnius, November 2014. - 31 p.11.​ Freedom House [Electronic resource]. - Access mode: https://freedomhouse.org/<wbr>report-types/nations-transit12.​ Schimmelfennig F. EU Democracy Promotion in the European Neighbourhood: Conditionality, Economic Development, and Linkage. Paper for EUSA Biennial Conference / F. Schimmelfennig, H. Scholtz. - Montreal, 2007. - 31 р. E-reputation and image of politics as a strategic asset: French experience in reputation managementIolanta-Anna de Vriz SummaryTogether with the fast development of the new media reputation management gets one more dimension - e-reputation. Its contents are transforming to the real impact of the politician`s image. Now the French political reality сontinues to gain the digital space and political leaders fight to head the digital era movement.Keywords: image, digital reputation, new media, political reputation, Nicolas Sarkozy, Alain Juppé, France. The dynamics of political marketing operation is under close study on both sides of the political reality. Reputation is a significant political factor of social and psychological factors that can affect not only the electoral position of a political party, but the political landscape of the country in general and the image of the state as a whole. With the rapid development of new media reputation management and image are another dimension - e-reputation or digital reputation. "It is needed 20 years to build a reputation and five minutes to ruin it. If you're think good about it, you will start doing things the other way "- this expression is one of the most famous and influential investor Warren Buffett very well express the mood of most managers. According to current research 87% believe the reputation of the greatest strategic risk, which can run organization. Political relations and image study is no exception. When appeared the question whether the identity to substitute ideology, new media are precisely the element that is so society needs. After all, they are a platform for direct communication between citizens and those who establish the rules that will live modern society, that is - political community. Social networking platforms provide access directly to the politicians, and it is not only their achievement. They can get instant response to the activities of a political figure, but for her - the area real idea about their own rating. Currently, an integral part of political or diplomatic activity is dynamic and updated presence on different platforms of new media, including national and international space. In practical terms the strategy of building a political reputation based on the following elements: presentation (image action political factors, coupled with the political responsibility), behavioral responses (actions of political forces in general, the actions of its leaders concerning political brand and their values), communication (including formation purposes existence political movement, openness to dialogue with the different sectors of the population). In this regard, we can create basic rules of building political reputation and political image. First of all, it's strategic vision, i.e. identifying the needs and expectations of society dictated by time and are unstable nature. Naturally, looking to the future political movement needs to be adjusted according to the actual strategy demands of voters. In addition, the actions that leave a positive imprint in the perception of society, must be repeated several times in order to consolidate effect within society as successful single solution does not guarantee a successful reputation management. Second, reputation strategy of political forces is consistent with the overall rate reputation and political image of its leaders should be coordinated with all its branches. Lack of coordination affects the efficiency of decision-making and reduces the level of awareness and confidence in the political forces. Third, an important rule of construction of reputation management is consistent communication, linking political brand, actual political movement and action commitments to various segments of the population. Action Point unbalanced middle reputational strategy may have worse effect than political silence and look hypocritical: instead, serve as proof of loyalty this political commitment. Thus, the construction of reputational strategy involves long-term vision, successful coordination within the political forces and continuous monitoring of public attitudes. As part of the construction of reputation management is particularly important as more balanced and transparent communication solutions political force. Topics of political discourse, the results reputational strategy and political image depends on the correct identification of the target audience, and the intensity of communication is determined by the extent of political movement. What risks can wait reputation management of political power? The main source of risk is the failure general and strategic line political movement and ineffective crisis communication. In less destruction reputation is the result of third party actions, but rather - lack of internal will put reputation management first. The difference between the conceived image created by information messages, and the real image, determined by the facts, is always a crisis of confidence in the political movement. New media only exacerbate this process. Criticism is itself an integral part of the political process, however, only to the point until it begins to unite like-minded people, first in social networks, and then inevitably come from the virtual space. Thus, digital reputation assessment becomes a tool for political rating. The term includes the formation, maintenance and monitoring of online information on political factors or political force. At the same time, digital reputation is absolutely counter-virtual nature, its content is transformed into a real consequences for the image of the political factor, the focus of which depends on the presence or absence of information strategies to build their own digital reputation. Famous Canadian journalist Clive Thompson almost ten years ago said: "Google is not a search engine. It is a reputation management system. Live your reputation quantifiable analysis, it is open, and that it is not avoided. In other words, radical transparency is a double-edged sword, however, once you know the rules, you can use them to control their own image as you never could before." It is also necessary to emphasize that new media provide an effective tribune early political career. However, over time the political factor has surely come from the virtual space in real space of overcoming the risk of becoming a network policy. Even the most successful self-branding require prudent political program. "You can not build a reputation on what you will do in the future", - said Genri Ford. By effective tools should be, above all, monitoring and analysis of a person and politician - without this key element of strategy formation of political marketing is doomed to failure. Natural is the fact that the image can not manage without controlling the content of information flows accompanying this image.Another tool is the management of digital reputation when to act as transparently as possible. On the platform of new media, over-conscientiousness and unfulfilled promises are instantly noticeable, and even one misstep could provoke uncontrollable consequences. Note that among Internet supporters or opponents do not only express users, and people who just spend there free time they notice a wrong step and can draw attention to it. Therefore, it is important to be prepared on site and communicate as transparently as possible. Under crisis conditions strengthening communication must occur by controlling the tone and timing information message. For new media like huge waves, whose existence is recognized everywhere, while its shape and strength is often not taken into account. Another effective tool of management of digital reputation is to build communication based on trust, when actualized own values and means to achieve them. True to focus on these markers, political activity is the key to successful information strategy and political image factor. The image is a set of characteristics by which a person successfully demonstrates its strengths and uniqueness. New media give ample opportunity for personal branding policy, while being an effective tool for feedback and monitoring of information flows. Despite the fact that the era bimedia still ongoing, new media rapidly acquire information space. Digital reputation management is increasingly attracting attention as part of an information strategy. In France, a startup called Reputation VIP offers solutions to manage e-reputation for managers and individuals. Founded in 2012 Lyons programmer Nicolas Nguyen, startup has raised more than 2 million euros. French sociologists Luc Boltansky and Ev Chyapello studied the emergence of a new business culture that is based on a network form of organization which, in turn, begins with employee initiative and autonomy workplace. New Media only accelerate this process. Today political reality in modern France increasingly shifting into the digital space, and political factors are not only more potential use of new media, and even launched a contest for possession of digital tools and the opportunity to support the development of digital technology. However, there were no ambiguous situations. In May this year, Nicolas Sarkozy, during his visit to Lyon, was forced to admit that he does not know site ads Leboncoin.fr, although his team pays attention to modern information strategy, including presence in new media. "What is Leboncoin?", - asked Sarkozy during a conversation with Lyon entrepreneurs, which of course caused a bad buzz online. The question concerns voiced in the context of a Lyons CEOs that Leboncoin.fr is his second match resource that allows you to look at the current problems of employment. Channel RTL journalist Dominique Tenzo once said in his Twitter-account of ignorance of the former leader of the French state on the popular information resources. Messages quickly gained 1,000 retweets and got into the center networking jokes. After two months before Nicolas Sarkozy was interviewed influential newspaper Les Echos, praising the consequences of the digital revolution: "The new service, which provides digital era represent significant opportunities for growth, jobs, purchasing power. You need to help this movement by providing start-ups greatest benefits for the implementation of and directing the transition from one system to another" [1]. In turn, the chief of one of the companies tried to explain Lyons Republican leader that Leboncoin.fr - "... site is very popular with small ad auction system," but it made no understanding. It should be noted that the platform Leboncoin.fr there are more than ten years and has a seventh position among the top most visited Internet resources of France, ahead of Wikipédia and Yahoo. Leboncoin.fr also has leading positions on job search with its 250 thousand. Ads. 2.3 million people visit monthly chapter of "work", and the online resource guide provides data on the deployment of 50 to 100 thousand. Ads. However, in addition to job search, Leboncoin.fr also has many useful and popular sections. Therefore, ignorance leader of the French opposition to the popular web resources of the country indicates its lack of team awareness regarding the former president of modern information technology. In addition, the rhetoric of Sarkozy always made emphasis on the fight against unemployment. For information on sites offering ads work, too, is an effective element in creating a true understanding of the real situation in the country, since web resources to find employment have become an integral part of the global economy. After recent presidential candidate in 2017, wrote in a Twitter-account: "I want to speak for those who can no longer speak. I want to be a candidate for France, which is in good faith". It must be emphasized that this case was not the first time that Nicolas Sarkozy demonstrates the partial possession of modern tools of information technology. In 2012 when he used the term broadcasting "buzz informatique" instead of "bug informatique", which also became the subject of jokes network. Some representatives of mass media of France even conducted a parallel predecessor Sarkozy. Therefore, in 1996, with the opening of the library François Mitterrand, then president of France, Jacques Chirac, addressing the Minister of Culture Jacques Tubona, confused the word "computer mouse" and "forest mouse". However, Nicolas Sarkozy has always attached great importance to its own political communication. In 2014 his team launched a campaign on Twitter, with the aim to strengthen the presence of Sarkozy in new media. The campaign was based on the classic format of response / question and provided direct dialogue between citizens and former President of France. For 4 days event gathered 114,563 tweets with the hashtag #NSDirect. Despite the considerable number of awkward questions and trolling frank, an initiative of the former leader of the French state has caused considerable interest among society at the same time showed that the Internet audience carefully follows the rhetoric of Sarkozy. In particular bloggers recalled the reaction of Sarkozy asked what he would do if defeated in elections in 2012, "You will not see me anymore" - promised the leader of the Republicans. Now he is a candidate for president in 2017, which was officially announced on August 22 this year, and has long been leading the campaign. Althought Nicolas Sarkozy also expressed somewhat different views, its information strategy remains unchanged - the publication of a book called "Everything for the French", numerous meetings, monopolization debate on the occasion of two or three weekly polemical statements in the classic mass media and social networks. It should be noted that political communication Nicolas Sarkozy modeled on former Prime Minister of Great Britain Tony Blair - he is trying to become the media, making information drives and rapidly respond to current events. Political Research Center Cevipof together with influential publication Le Monde explained the electoral mood of the French from 8 to 16 September 2016 [2]. The result demonstrated increased support Nicolas Sarkozy, but it does not allow his opponent to get ahead of the mayor of Bordeaux and the French prime minister in 1996-1997. Alain Juppe. Currently, the former president gets three points and has 33% of the vote against 30% in June. Alain Juppe is ahead with 37%. The gap between the two favorites was under 16 points in March, 14th May and 8th June. Other candidates are right at substantial distances. So Bruno Le Maire has lost three percentage points and is 13%, or 20% behind Nicolas Sarkozy. Noteworthy critical comment of former Prime Minister Francois Fillon camp right in respect of candidates in the presidential race of 2017. Former senator Sarthe department said that Nicolas Sarkozy would be "very difficult" to run after losing the 2012 elections. Fillon resorted to Republican rhetoric, quoting former French President "Nicolas Sarkozy had always said that the French were regicide when beheaded, it's hard to put it on his shoulders." He also said that Alain Juppe has not worked out quite clear program. "As for the organization of working time in production, it has the classic software, which provides that all state controlled. I have software XXI century"- said the former high-ranking official. Among the left there is competition too - Former Economy Minister Arnaud Montebur catching the incumbent president. The young politician announced his intention is to network Twitter. Montebur said that the situation in the country is so severe that the renewal of ideas, projects and people is very important. Candidates with strong positions also considered the National Front leader Marine Le Pen and Emmanuel macron that a month ago resigned as economy minister in the government of Manuel Valls However, the strategic battle between the two leaders of right-wing Nicolas Sarkozy and Alain Juppe several years attracted the attention of experts. Competition for the right to lead the party unfolded in the virtual space. In 2014 with the software Meltwate [3] conducted a study to analyze digital reputation of two powerful figures of the French political scene. So in November 2014, Nicolas Sarkozy received 67,517 mentions (59,138 in new media and 8379 in the print media); while Alain Juppe received much less recognition - 13,717 mentions over the same period. However, if the former president ahead of his opponent in an amount key indicators display the comments are very close to both politicians. The tone was set by analyzing the expression of key words. Thus, the keywords associated with Sarkozy included the following: "The Truth," "Gaddafi", "Mediapar", "France", "Document". A well-recognized is the fact that the reputation of Nicolas Sarkozy accompanies a number of controversial cases, including the financing of his election campaign. So after another accusation in the rhetoric of the former leader of the French state is often called upon to achieve "truth." Association with the word "document" also has an explanation of the charges against Sarkozy, which precedes the appearance of documentary evidence if based on that investigation. "Mediapar" - a popular French resource that was established in 2008 and had played a significant role in high-profile accusations against politicians top echelon of France. Unlike its competitor, information series, which is associated with the name of Alain Juppe, does not characterize a barrage of negative evaluations, so the keyword with which it is associated personalities belonging - "Carkozi", "Bordeaux", "Alliance for People's movement "," candidate "," approval ". Although relations with the French Alain Juppe also have justice complex, but the public reaction to it is not as strict as in the situation of former President Nicolas Sarkozy. Alain Zhyupe belonged to the inner circle of Jacques Chirac, including former Deputy Mayor of Paris. In 1995-1997. Headed the government, having long experience led ministries. In 2004 Juppe had to leave political career by creating fictitious accusations of jobs in the City Hall of Paris and the verdict - 14 months in prison on deferred maintenance. However, the results of some investigative journalism argued that Alain Juppe suffered only through its closeness to former President Jacques Chirac. Two years later, Juppe announced his return to politics, and he was again elected mayor of Bordeaux, and later - appointed to ministerial positions. It should be emphasized that policies should not only keep a good shot, but the first set to. While the team of the current president Francois Hollande has taken another step in the use of modern digital technology and information resource launched called "Our vision of France" by his opponent in the election in 2017 Alain Juppe quickly replied. Team Communication Alain Juppe has created a site that exposes the harsh criticism results presidency Hollande - "Your vision of France" "Rising unemployment, the explosion of debt over 60 thousand. Bankrupt enterprises in 2012", "France of Francois is a catastrophe" [4], - the mayor of Bordeaux through its own resource. Turns of mutual acute assessments was made from two right-wing candidates - Frasua Fillon and Alain Juppe. So last said "Fillon - a seriousness, calmness, form and analysis. On the other hand, Fillon is perhaps a little hesitation or difficulty in meeting obligations and the search for bold solutions. This does not mean that he did not like, but it is a little weak - that's for sure." It is expedient to note that Alain Juppe really intends to be a candidate for the digital age, confidently using the hashtag #AJNumerique. Recently in his Twitter-account Juppe said: "I am determined to make digital technology the main focus during his mandate" and, "The school has to adapt to the requirements of the digital age: to allow students to access information early development." Such rhetoric presidential candidate has continued on another information resource created for elections in 2017: "France could become the European leader of digital technology. To act means to encourage risky start-ups, promoting investment economy through innovation and offering the best social protection to all who seek it, promoting the right to experiment. So, when the digital revolution and the movement of information flows is definitely recognized, to control their own sphere of communication is an essential requirement for successful positioning policy. If a politician or diplomat wants to influence their digital reputation, it must first of all take care of the visuals and become the master of your own image. In this connection, the question arises, how can affect the fact that the substance is a synthesis of foreign perception? Effective management of digital reputation and political image should initiate a dialogue with their target audience, building a foundation for sustained communication with voters in the middle of the political community to get the most for their own political capital. Reputation management is an important component of information strategies. "Glass, porcelain and reputation easily broken. However, their repair is never perfect, "- stressed Benjamin Franklin. Almost half a year is the time when the French make choices about ocholnyka state for the next five years. New media continues to gain political space and political debate is increasingly moving into the virtual world, while having significant effects on the real political landscape of the country. Is French society will provide a second chance institutional Nicolas Sarkozy, will be known next spring. After Sarkozy himself said: "In a world of enormous opportunity and enormous risks the worst thing is to freeze in place". References1.​ www.lesechos.fr/03/02/<wbr>2016/lesechos.fr/021670882095_<wbr>nicolas-sarkozy----il-faut-un-<wbr>contre-choc-fiscal-de-25-<wbr>milliards-.htm2.​ www.lemonde.fr/<wbr>election-presidentielle-2017/<wbr>article/2016/09/26/sarkozy-<wbr>rattrape-juppe-macron-<wbr>bouscule-le-paysage-politique_<wbr>5003430_4854003.html3.​ www.marketing-<wbr>professionnel.fr/parole-<wbr>expert/barometre-reputation-<wbr>online-sarkozy-juppe-201412.<wbr>html4 www.<wbr>votreideedelafrance.fr The international image of Ukraine in terms of total world rankingsSergiy Troyan SUMMARYState image determines its place on the world political stage. Global ratings of the country form the perception of the international community. Ukraine is the main global rankings have leading positions. Ukrainian indexes in the global rankings show contradictory picture of the positioning of our country in the modern world, the instability and volatility of its foreign policy image.Keywords: the international image, Ukraine, the global ratings At the present stage of world politics and has entered into numerous interactions over 200 international governmental actors. They differ in size, population, power potential, etc., and that it is important to understand their impact on international affairs and a place in the modern international system, their image (image). The foreign (international) image of each state is a reflection of the amount of its domestic development indicators and the situation in the country coupled with the achievements or failures in international. Constructing a positive, attractive image is especially important for young public entities seeking to assert themselves, to take a leading, if not, then good position on the international stage. It is very important for Ukraine, which marks the 25th anniversary of the proclamation and assertion of independence. Formed in the world community image of the state largely determines its place on the world political scene, attitude potential foreign partners, investors and tourists. Therefore, the question of its improvement is a priority in the foreign policy of any state. Researchers believe that now half the power of the state - is building a competent foreign policy image, which is why scientists reasonably consider foreign policy image as one of the products of political and design activities. O. Tyukarkina rightly notes: "In a world where information is continuously conducted wars, create sustainable and positive image of the country is not a desirable condition, and recognized necessity." The foreign image of the state is deliberately generated image of the country, is intended to affect (emotional, political, and economic) and shape public opinion about the country among foreign audiences [1, p. 12 - 13]. The international image of the country is a real resource management in each country. An effective method of its design stands positioning is a way to create a supportive state information environment to emphasize its strengths, which would provide positive recognition of state assistance of internal and external target audiences, as well as the desire and interest in cooperation expressed in the introduction of various kinds economic, financial, investment, political modernization, tourism, environmental and other projects and programs. The international image of the country must meet several simple but important criteria. It should be:• First, believable and credible. Do not need image if it does not enjoy the confidence of the public. The image should be identified with a particular country;• Second, vivid and specific. It works better if appealing to the senses, and taken quickly when focused on specific terms and bright highlights one or more of typical country-specific features;• Third, simplistic. To avoid adverse effects, it should be easier than the object itself. The most effective image - easy and quick to remember;• Fourth, despite the concrete, the mass image of the country to be somewhat uncertain and stay somewhere between feelings and reason, between expectations and reality. It must withstand unforeseen developments, changes in political passions, meet the wishes and expectations of different people. Factors image forming foreign states include both internal and external components. We undertake a specific purpose - to consider only external factors shaping the international image of states. Among the external factors in the formation of the international image of the country at present distinguish important international standards formed the international community, declared in international law documents of international organizations recorded an annual ranking of international organizations and rating agencies. These so-called global ratings (indices) aimed at comparative assessment of governance and economy, spreading corruption and dissemination of new technologies, the level of democracy throughout the world and more. They illustrate the attractiveness (or unattractiveness) community and the related economic indicators of well-being, quality of life, human rights, standards of governance, media freedom, corruption and so on. So, the world rankings form the country's standing internationally. The most important indices that influence the formation of the image of a country are:- Global Competitiveness Index (one of the world's most famous index, which annually is the World Economic Forum in Davos (Switzerland);- Corruption Perceptions Index (ICK) (calculated annually by an international organization Transparency Internetional);- Index of e-participation of citizens (assesses the quality and usefulness of information and services to the government through modern ICT allows citizens to involve decision-making);- The index of readiness for e-government (calculated UN);- Index of Economic Freedom and others. In the era of information revolution, considering the international image (the image of) the state, are increasingly taking into account the progress of States in the use of advanced science and technology and information technology. For this evaluation have been developed over 20 different e-indexes that enable to assess the country in terms of its progress towards the formation of information society. The most famous of them are:- Index digital or digital capacity perspective (Digital Opportunity Index, DOI);- Digital Access Index (Digital Access Index, DAI);- Index of network readiness (The World Economic Forum's Networked Readiness Index (NRI);- Information Society Index (Information Society Index, ISI). December 22, 2015 it was presented new online resource "Ukraine in global ratings" [see .: 2], which allows you to not only trace the Comparative dynamics and trends of fluctuations in Ukraine almost all important indices, but also analyze how it affects the actual image of the foreign state. To illustrate the performance characteristics turn to several important rankings. One of the best known is the Human Development Index, developed in 1990 by a group of economists led by Pakistan Mahboob-ul-hack. Human Development Index (before 2013 - Human Development Index) - an integrated annual figure for intercountry comparison and measurement standard of living, literacy, education and longevity as the main characteristics of the human potential of the study area. It is a standard tool for comparing the overall standard of living in different countries and regions. The index is published within the framework of the UN report on human development since 1990. • The index is calculated based on the following parameters: 1) life expectancy; 2) the level of literacy and education; 3) quality of life, which is measured by GDP per capita.• As for Ukraine, despite the relative growth index in 2009-2012. And a slight fall in the 2013-2014, The dynamics of rating, in contrast, worsened. In 2010 Ukraine belonged to the 69 position in 2011 - 76 index of 0.737 in 2012 - 78 index of 0.740, and in 2013 and 2014 - 83 and 81 with an index of 0.733 and 0.747 respectively.• The criteria for the studied index in Ukraine is the best status of education and literacy - .796 in 2013 (29 in the world), significantly worse health and longevity - 0.760, and the worst state of economic development - 0.615.• At the time of independence of Ukraine Human Development Index (HDI) was higher than the European and Central Asian (0,714 vs. 0.701), and at present it is lower by 0.24 (0.747 vs. 0.771). Unfortunately, we have to say that Ukraine is among the ten lowest HDI in Europe. So even translational indicators in the format of HDI should be treated with caution. This, incidentally, confirmed by the NAS of Ukraine, Director of the Institute of Demography and Social Research E. Libanova [3]. She noted that there is progress made compared to 1990 - for the 1991-2015, and the progress we have achieved in comparison with the year 1980, plus generalized index of human development in Ukraine - 0,042. But, the world in general HDI rose by an average of 0.0122, that is three times more than in Ukraine. Progress over the years achieved by the poorest countries, where it is easiest reachable. Instead, the first group of countries - the highest HDI - it increased to 0.083, that is almost twice the Ukraine. In the second group to which we belong, the country increased the rate to 0.0128 - three times more than Ukraine. Even the Central Asian countries increased their HDI better than Ukraine. INDEX OF INSTABILITY (Index incapacity States), which is also known as rating fragile states (Eng. Fragile States Index); by 2014 - Rating failed states (Eng. Failed States Index). This index is designed Fund for Peace (Fund For Peace) and the magazine "Foreign Policy" (Foreign Affairs). The first index was published in 2005. Now this list is often used political correspondents and journalists. The aim is to analyze rank the ability of states to control the integrity of its territory, political, demographic, economic and social situation in the country. In the first place come those States that have weak or ineffective government, a large number of crimes and corruption; in these countries, many refugees economy has many problems. Changing the rating of Ukraine (above place - worst situation) is as follows: 2005 - 39 place; 2006 - 86th; 2007 - 106 place; 2008 - 108 place; 2009 - 110 place; 2010 - 109 place; 2013 - 117 place; 2014