Головні статті

№1 / 2016
17.06.2016, 15:10

 

UN peacekeeping experience and "Plan B" military and political settlement of the conflict in the East of Ukraine

Igor Lossovskyy

Summary

The experience of conflict resolution in the OSCE area under the leading role of this organization indicates a general tendency of "freezing". However, the most successful examples of settlement in CEE can be considered conflicts in former Yugoslavia in the 1990s., where the leading role was assigned to the United Nations with the supporting role of the OSCE, the EU and NATO. The model of conflict resolution around the Serb enclaves in Croatia are analyzed in the article. Given the experience of the UN peacekeeping activity, analogies and forecasts are conducted of possible developments in the Eastern Ukraine by the example of end the war in Croatia and peaceful rehabilitation in Croatian Danube region. Similar model is offered as a plan "B" for settlement of the military and political conflict in Donbas.

Keywords: OSCE, UN, Eastern Ukraine, Minsk agreement, Croatia, UNTAES

Part 1.

The essence of the Minsk agreements and "Normandy" negotiation format

As is known, the total content of the agreements reached in Minsk in the negotiations in the framework of the Trilateral Contact Group (TKG) on the peaceful settlement of the situation in the east of Ukraine recorded in the following documents: Protocol following consultations TKG on joint steps towards the implementation of the Peace Plan of the President of Ukraine P. Poroshenko and Russian President Vladimir Putin on September 5, 2014; Memorandum on the implementation of the Protocol, following consultations TKG on steps to implement the Peace Plan of the President of Ukraine and President of Initiatives of September 19, 2014; The set of measures to implement the Minsk agreement of 12 February 2015; Declaration of the President of Ukraine, the President of the French Republic F. Hollande, Chancellor of Germany A. Merkel and President of Russian Federation, a set of measures to support the implementation of the Minsk agreements approved in Minsk on February 12, 2015 [1].

In Paris October 2, 2015 during a meeting of leaders of the "Normandy Four" (Ukraine, France, Germany, Russia) agreed common understanding of and procedure for implementation of the Minsk agreements, in particular, confirmed the need for full compliance with the ceasefire as the basis of de-escalation of the situation; to reduce tension agreed to start withdrawal of tanks and guns caliber 100 mm mortars and 120 mm; agreed the need to strengthen the OSCE's role in the peaceful settlement of the crisis in the Donbass. Thus, the Special Monitoring Mission (SMM) OSCE should be given full and unimpeded access to the occupied areas of Donbas, including areas not controlled by Ukraine Ukrainian-Russian state border; once again stressed that the local elections "in certain areas of the Donetsk and Lugansk regions" must be conducted exclusively under Ukrainian law and OSCE standards, provided that observation by OSCE.

Let's consider the "Normandy format" in terms of the mutual obligations of the parties. In the practice of international relations, the parties entering into negotiations to resolve some problems tend to assume certain obligations. Ukraine's commitments are clear, and it is their very conscientiously and responsibly perform, according to estimates of the OSCE, the UN and impartial members "Normandy Four" (Germany and France). Have the other participants of mentioned format such liabilities? The question, unfortunately, is rhetorical. Germany and France are intermediaries, they facilitate negotiations and sees his role in the diplomatic "coercion to peace" in Russia. Any other obligations even guarantee the performance of the obligations of the agreements, they do not take over. Thus, Russia always avoids direct responsibility for aggression against Ukraine and tried to enter into negotiations as legal parties terrorist institutions - "DPR" and "LPR". As a result, among the four "Normandy format" assumes responsibility exclusively Ukraine. In addition, their efforts "Normans" lead to a transfer of the whole negotiation process in "Minsk format" where the OSCE and Russia act as observers, and Ukraine is again only one side of the respondent [2].

The legal status of the Minsk agreements and possible extension of negotiations formats

In such paradoxical situation, it begs the logical question of the need to increase negotiating formats with the inclusion of these other influential and responsible parties. One of the most optimal format regulating military-political crisis in Ukraine could be a negotiation format with the participation of all parties signatory Budapest "Memorandum on Security Assurances in connection with Ukraine's accession to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons," concluded the leaders of the US, Great Britain , Ukraine and Russia 5 December 1994. By the guarantees, set out in the memorandum of the same day joined the leaders of China and France [3; 4]. Because of safety and immunity guarantees were granted Ukraine the five most powerful nations of the world - nuclear powers and permanent members of the UN Security Council, all of them, and first of all - Russia should bear legal responsibility for military aggression against Ukraine, a violation of its sovereignty and territorial integrity.

Recently, politicians and the expert community discuss the international legal status and activity of the Minsk agreements and TKG. Do they have a legally binding character as international treaties? Do they meet the conditions of the international "Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties"? The answer, in our opinion, is the following: negotiations under the TKG taking place in Minsk and the "Normandy format" at various levels are primarily political in nature and aimed at the political and diplomatic settlement of the situation in the occupied regions of Donetsk and Lugansk regions of Ukraine. However, Minsk concluded agreement brokered by international partners of Ukraine, including France, Germany and the OSCE. They are based on the provisions of the Peace Plan of the President of Ukraine and take account of its key priorities for stabilization in parts of Donetsk and Lugansk regions, including a ceasefire, the withdrawal of foreign troops from the territory of Ukraine of other preconditions for the continuation of the peace settlement. Thus, the agreement is not an international treaty within the meaning of the Law of Ukraine "On international agreements of Ukraine" and "Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties" [5], so have the international legal obligations of the parties and not subject to ratification. However, the Minsk agreement are political load, play an important role in strengthening the negotiating position of Ukraine, consolidate international support to counter Russian aggression and is today the only negotiation mechanism to resolve the conflict.

The set of measures to implement the Minsk agreement was supported at the summit "Normandy Four" February 12, 2015, and the adoption of UN Security Council February 17, 2015 relevant resolution №2202 (2015). An important factor is the direct link between the implementation of the Minsk agreements and the continuation of EU sanctions against Russia, enshrined in the Conclusions of the European Council of 20 March 2015. Minsk agreement and related some reduction of military tension in the Donbas and created conditions for strengthening the defense capability of Ukraine and the subsequent search for new approaches to solving the problem of armed aggression of Russia against Ukraine. Despite the positive, often voiced criticism that the agreement concluded under duress and threat of Russian military forces. For these situations, according to Art. 52 Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties of 23 May 1969.: "The agreement is void if its conclusion was the result of the threat or use of force in violation of the principles of international law embodied in the UN Charter" [5].

Well-known European politician, former Marshal of the Sejm and the Polish Foreign Minister R. Sikorski expressed repeatedly that the "Normandy format" is not profitable for Ukraine, according to him, he said, President Poroshenko. The reasons, according to Sikorski, is the lack of activity of the European leaders in resolving the crisis in Ukraine, and their weakness in opposing Putin. Optimal for Ukraine, he believes "Geneva format": "There was a time when the Russians were ready to return to the format with the participation of Ukraine, Russia, USA and EU. They agreed to it would mean that the transaction would comply. Why is this happening? This is a question for the Ukrainian side. I think it was a mistake." It should also be mentioned that Poland has repeatedly emphasized (except R. Sikorski, the current President of A. Duda and Polish Foreign Ministry) that the "Normandy format" exhausted itself, and removal of the country from participating in the negotiation process took him no good. After his inauguration in August 2015, President A. Duda said: "There is a need to create something new, a new initiative in order to achieve a peaceful settlement of the conflict. This should be much broader format with the participation of powerful EU states, but also the United States and neighboring Ukraine ... "[6].

The main problems in the implementation of the Minsk agreements

Eventually approaching completion in late December 2015 the term of the Minsk agreements with the de-escalation of the armed conflict in eastern Ukraine [1] increasingly Ukrainian and foreign politicians, experts and political analysts have expressed doubts about the feasibility of timely implementation of the full provisions of these agreements. Similar concerns were expressed by the early signing of the Minsk agreements, taking into account their needs and fundamental differences of interests and positions of the parties to the conflict about the main provisions. Today is obvious that these deadlines for their implementation will be continued in 2016, but even in this case there is no guarantee full implementation. The main stumbling block will probably be local elections in the occupied territories, the Minsk agreements should take place under the legislation of Ukraine, subject to the generally recognized European standards and principles of the OSCE and provided that the presence of international observers of the OSCE. Such rules would include: leading and coordinating role of the Central Election Commission of Ukraine, forming clear and consistent lists of voters participated in the elections of all refugees and displaced persons, whose number, according to UN estimates, over 2 million people; compliance procedures for the nomination of candidates; presence in the occupied territories Ukrainian parties and the party infrastructure and Ukrainian media, the CEC appointed by local election commissions and polling stations, observers from political parties and public organizations; presence of official international observers, especially from the OSCE and other international organizations (Council of Europe, PACE, OSCE PA) and individual states.

An important factor in holding free and democratic elections, in addition to the above, is to ensure demilitarization, withdrawal from the territory, where the elections, military units, primarily foreign, to ensure state control over the borders and so on. Obviously, these conditions do not fit into a realistic idea of ​​what can be achieved in a short time. The fact that the insurgents are unlikely to be able and willing to hold local elections in the occupied areas of Donbas Ukrainian legislation and standards of the OSCE, as it is, above all, would imply the withdrawal of Russian armed forces and the transfer of control of the Russian-Ukrainian border State Border Service of Ukraine is quite beneficial to strengthen the negotiating position of Ukraine. This situation effectively ensures the extension of international sanctions against Russia, can even create preconditions for strengthening their requirements, and eliminates the need to perform our state values​for some controversial provisions of the sovereignty of Ukraine Minsk agreements. This applies primarily to those relating to amnesty people somehow involved in separatist activities (not to mention outright criminals fighters), as well as of the local government and provide legally undefined "special status" of individual areas of Donbass (which incorporates the changes the Constitution of Ukraine), - the provisions laid down under pressure from Russia.

Is there an alternative OSCE on the way of settling?

Even in an optimistic scenario for the possible implementation of the Minsk agreements seems that in the long and medium term resolution of the conflict must keep alert "plan B" to solve it. The presence of such an alternative, at least in theoretical terms, should be allowed to use creative approaches and create a flexible script based on the successful resolution of global peacekeeping experience gained over the past half century in the UN and other international organizations.

Previous experience of conflict resolution in the OSCE on the leading role of this organization indicates a general tendency to freeze (Transnistria, Abkhazia, Nagorno-Karabakh, and South Ossetia). Even the leaders of the militants in the unrecognized "republics" in eastern Ukraine, hoping for better integration with Russia, now complain that "Russia wants to freeze the conflict in Donbas, making it the second Transnistria". So Moscow is trying to ease the pressure on its economy, which is going through hard times, and long-term plans to use the conflict in Donbas for permanent political pressure on Ukraine. As one of the leaders of the militants O. Zakharchenko, relative calm has forced "volunteers from Russia back home, reducing their number to 1500 is of 4 thousand last year." Instead, Moscow is sending dozens of its bureaucrats to form separatist authorities [7].

Foreign Minister of Ukraine Pavlo Klimkin speaking at the annual meeting of the OSCE Foreign Ministers' December 3, 2015 in Belgrade, expressed skepticism about proposals to strengthen the activities of the Organization, "How can we intensify OSCE activities of the main issues of the agenda if the Organization not able to enforce its key principles and commitments? "[8] The situation around Ukraine in crisis, opportunities should not be limited to only one of the OSCE. It is necessary to include the active peacekeeping capacity and experience of other international organizations, especially the UN as the main issues in peace and security.

The leading role of the UN in settling the conflicts in former Yugoslavia

The most successful examples of international settlement in Central and Eastern Europe can be considered a conflict in the former Yugoslavia of the 1990s. During the collapse of the Yugoslav federation first major political idea Serbian nationalism was the preserve of a single state. Later, after the independence of Croatia and Bosnia, dealt with the separation from them "ethnically Serb territory" and joining Serbia ("reunion of all Serbian lands and creating Greater Serbia"). Finally, there were plans for the territory of Croatia and Bosnia separated entities controlled by Serbian armed forces. The main way to achieve these plans became military aid to ethnic Serbs in the territories of the newly independent republics and military occupation and annexation "ethnically Serb territory." Thus formed two-level hierarchy of the Serbo-Croatian conflict [9; 10].

In the process of settlement of conflicts in the former Yugoslavia leading role assigned to peacekeeping capabilities of the United Nations for the supporting role of the OSCE, the EU and NATO. First, it concerns the conflict over the Serbian enclaves in Croatia. Croatian-Serbian conflict have become a major component and essence of all regional Balkan crisis that prevented the continued existence of a federal country. It actively played along the Serbian nationalists, which in 1991 carried out propaganda activities "Serb Slavonia" (Croatia), which never was part of the Serbian state, but in which long lived ethnic Serbs that were in some regions, a significant portion or majority people. Both sides of the conflict openly professed opposition to each other by models "we - Enemies" in which ethnic component of the conflict played a leading role as the main line split took place along ethnic and confessional lines. Croatia considered the conflict solely as aggression caused by the ruling regime against Yugoslavia independent Croatian state, and its part - domestic war [10].

The perspective model settlement of the conflict in eastern Ukraine

Given the broad international peacekeeping UN experience is useful analogies and projections of possible developments in the Ukrainian Donbas based on a model settlement of the Yugoslav crisis, including the war in Croatia and rehabilitation peace in Eastern Slavonia, Baran'yi and Western Srem ("Croatian Danube"), in which lived a large proportion of ethnic Serb population, where in 1991-1995 there was a quasi-state formation separatist "Republic of Serbian Krajina" (RSK), which is from May to November 1995 completely ceased to exist as through Power activity of the newly formed Croatian army (military operation "Lightning" and "Storm" in Western Slavonia for "tacit" support of the EU and NATO) and collective international peace efforts under the auspices of the UN in the Croatian Danube, which, in particular, participated helicopter a division of the Armed Forces of Ukraine.

Today, the Russian leadership does not support the idea of ​​changing international format around the settlement of the Donbas. However, because Russia itself declared its desire to resolve the conflict in eastern Ukraine, it must be prepared to support the idea of ​​placing an international peacekeeping military mission and UN international forces in the region, for which the President of Ukraine Poroshenko has repeatedly expressed and other representatives of our state. It seems that the leadership of Ukraine was chosen the right tactics progressively at the UN this initiative. So, February 18, 2015 the National Security and Defense Council (NSDC) of Ukraine adopted an appeal to the UN and the EU to deploy a mission in Ukraine to maintain peace and security. When in April 2015 the President of Ukraine, nor the UN voiced the proposal, nor, moreover, Russia is not ready for its specific consideration. During a press conference following the meeting of the NSDC Ukraine and signing with NATO September 22, 2015 Poroshenko said that the issue of the invitation peacekeepers in Donbass remains relevant. According to the president, the first stage should provide peacekeepers monitoring on the contact line, and then - de-escalation along the state border of Ukraine.

After that when in a speech at the UN General Assembly September 29, 2015 President Poroshenko raised the issue again, we can expect that it will get closer consideration months of professional expertise in the relevant structures of the Secretariat General and the apparatus on the sidelines of the Security Council organization, which is the leading and most authoritative, universal inter-governmental international organization whose main objective is "to maintain international peace and security and to this end the adoption of effective collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to peace and suppress acts of aggression". [11] As for Russia, the current crisis in the Donbass and the Crimea, the extension of international sanctions against Russia, worsening economic crisis in the country are clear signs of growing discontent this from some segments of the Russian population, a difficult situation around Russia's participation in military operations in Syria - all should contribute to the gradual formation of at least a neutral position of the Russian leadership about the idea of ​​such a deployment of international peacekeeping military mission of the United Nations.

References

1. The set of measures to implement the Minsk agreements // Ukrainian Pravda. - February 12, 2015 r. - Http://www.pravda.com.ua/articles/2015/02/12/7058327/

2. Golomsha M. Minsky agreement. Proceed in 2016 // Day. - December 2, 2015 r. - Http://www.day.kiev.ua/uk/blog/polityka/minski-domovlenosti-perehodymo-v-2016-rik.

3. Lossovskyi I. By the 20th anniversary of Budapest "guarantees": aggression of Russia against Ukraine as a factor in the erosion of international legal regimes of non-proliferation // Foreign Affairs. - 2014. - № 11. - P. 6-11.

4. Lossovskyi I. The international legal status of the Budapest Memorandum: agreement binding on all the parties. - K ..: UAZP. - 2015. - 130 p.

5. Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties - zakon4.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/995_118/print1360011924541931

6. New Polish President Andrzej Duda's interview with POLITICO in full, in the original Polish - www.politico.eu/article/andrzezj-duda-polska-wywiad-nato-niemcy-wegiel-tusk/

7. Kravchenko S. Putin Tightens Reins on Ukraine Rebels, Putting Conflict on Ice // BloombergBusiness. - September, 18. − 2015. - www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2015-09-18/putin-tightens-reins-on-ukraine-rebels-putting-conflict-on-ice

8. Statement by H.E. Mr.Pavlo Klimkin, Minister for Foreign Affairs of Ukraine at the 22nd Meeting of the Ministerial Council of the OSCE - mfa.gov.ua/ua/press-center/news/42876-statement-by-he-mrpavlo-klimkin-minister-for-foreign-affairs-of-ukraine-at-the-22nd-meeting-of-the-ministerial-council-of-the-osce

9. G. Perepelitsa Genesis conflicts in the post-communist space in Europe. - NISS. - K.: "Stylos" PC "Folio." - 2003. - P. 188-202.

10. South-East Europe in the era of drastic changes / ed. A.A.Yazykovaya. - M.: "All The World". - 2007 - S.47-88.

11. The United Nations Charter - zakon5.rada.gov.ua/laws/show/995_010

Strategic partnership: the experience, the reality of today

Lyudmyla Chekalenko

Summary

The author reflects on the nature of the strategic partnership in war, conquest and annexation, disrespect to the territorial integrity and inviolability, sovereignty and trampling ignoring international law.

Keywords: strategic partnership, sovereignty, international law, annexation, occupation, Russia.

More than 170 countries have recognized Ukraine sovereign state. And only a few of them can argue about the implementation of the strategic partnership.

The strategic partnership, in our deep conviction that cooperation is a step higher than conventional relationship. Dictated by the specific interests of the parties, such cooperation is possible between the partners, where there are no mutual territorial claims, existing mutual commitment to the territorial integrity and inviolability of borders. This relationship partners who are approximate values ​​and interests of the countries that recognize the obvious and the need to protect each other, including the military, seeking to deepen political and dynamic growth of economic cooperation, etc. [1]. Researcher I.I. Zhovkva distinguishes these models of strategic partnership, "a representative strategic partnership", "strategic partnerships against a common threat," "tactical strategic partnership for results" and "asymmetric strategic partnership" [2].

What does strategic partnership mean for Ukraine in the period of the war? Arguably, today is not idle assurances in friendship, not stacks of documents recently showed domestic policy, increasing the number of "strategic" partners. Over the years, we numbered about 30 such documents. Although clarified that bilaterally with Ukraine officially enshrined similar relations with six countries - Azerbaijan, Bulgaria, Russia, Poland, USA and Uzbekistan. Regarding the remaining 19 countries (2001) - Similar statements were Ukrainian unilateral declarations. Full political nonsense was this conclusion: there is no certainty that the country declared our strategic partners at all aware of this. [3]

We should admit that stilted chatter of domestic partners and analysts failed to recognize the underlying challenges to national security of Ukraine, the characteristics of the so-called strategic partnership between Russia and some other former Soviet states. World history and political science school considered cooperation with Russia so that "close to the level of true strategic partnership". [4] Today we see in practice, which "level" such cooperation is close and even spread through the Ukrainian border.

Ukraine Strategic cooperation with nonstrategic partners. The attitude of other countries to Ukrainian Maidan as a litmus test revealed reliable partners of our taps.

Recall some recent events. EuroMaidan - Dignity Revolution of Ukraine supported many citizens of the world. People took to the main square with banners and loudspeakers. In over 50 cities abroad held rallies, actions of solidarity with EuroMaidan and honoring the victims of the conflict in Kiev. Lithuania called on the EU to apply sanctions against the Ukrainian government, which shot its citizens. Yanukovych threatened Europeans Hague Tribunal. Political Assembly of the European People's Party (EPP) - the most powerful political force in Europe - put the responsibility for further developments in Ukraine personally fugitive president. According to the EPP, the following - inhuman treatment of their own people - are treated as criminal, as a violation of fundamental rights, which in turn should have a significant international impact.

In response to the aggressive actions of Russia the European Union responded with sanctions. The EU's position on the issue of sanctions against the Russian Federation remains unchanged and is associated with the implementation of the Minsk agreements and de-occupation of Donbass. Sanctions will act to fully implement the Minsk agreements. Only then will their abolition. This was stated by President of the European Council Donald Tusk and European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker at the summit "Big Twenty" (G20). That is, the leadership of the European Union emphasized: while all the points of the Minsk agreement are not met, the EU restrictive measures remain in force.

However, EU policy towards Russia is not always consistent. Thus, the head of the European Commission J.-C. Juncker Putin sent letters about the need to strengthen relations between the EU and the Eurasian Economic Community. Although the EU and supports sanctions, but has not yet sent a police mission in Ukraine, which operated in the states of former Yugoslavia or Syria. It is clear that this is an objective reason: Europe is deeply addicted to Russian oil and oil products (33%), gas (41%), coal (41% UK, etc.), nuclear fuel. EU seeks way out of the situation, including through the construction of alternative transit routes of energy raw (Trans projects (TAP) and Transanatoliyskoho (TANAP) gas pipeline, the development of European energy, use renewable energy and more.

The Council of EU on December 21, 2015 adopted a decision to extend for six months - until July 31, 2016 sanctions against Russia. This decision came into effect after its publication in the "Official Journal" of the European Union. Around the issue of sanctions accumulated stacks of assumptions and subjective assessments of false information. Clarify that under EU sectoral sanctions against Russia were only commodities and technologies for military and dual-use high-tech equipment for oil in the Arctic, as well as for shale oil. The EU also tightened restrictions on lending and investment services to a number of Russian banks and companies are mostly defense concerns. The biggest loss in Europe called the Paris of cancellation of the contract for delivery of two aircraft carriers "Mistral" and compensation of around 1 billion euros. Although the sale of aircraft carriers from France, Egypt loss reduced by 200-250 million euros.

On the agenda was a question of protecting our country. Who can defend the country? Is that Ukraine itself, according to the majority of the inhabitants of the civilized world? Another option would be a special partnership with NATO, which Ukrainian government is trying to implement through participation in programs, cooperation and eventually membership in NATO. Today, one of the challenges the Alliance were Russia's actions against Ukraine, a major threat to the security of the North Atlantic. According to NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg, Russia destabilizing the situation in Ukraine and violates international law [5]. However, despite all, Ukraine has to rely on its own forces.

Germany has not concluded the relevant strategic documents of our country and not announced a strategic partnership, but condemned Russia's policy towards Ukraine and initiated a series of sanctions against the European invaders. The German side provides humanitarian assistance to Ukraine in confronting Russia's military aggression. The same time trying to keep the Allies from hasty steps easing relations with Russia. German Chancellor Angela Merkel July 18, 2014 called on the French leadership to refrain from supplying military equipment of Russia (dealt with a contract to build the first two helicopter). Germany sees in such cases a threat to their own security and the danger for Europe.

Recall that the pro-Ukrainian position was under great pressure from the German business community who are deeply interested in maintaining maximum economic, political and power contacts in Berlin and Moscow. Even Foreign Minister of Germany F.-V. Steinmeier advocated the return of one of the "Big Eight" and the head of the SPD and Vice-Chancellor S. Gabriel openly flirting with Moscow, met with Putin supports the lifting of sanctions and so on.

At the same time, close business contacts are not always the same basis on which relationships are built. It is known that the Netherlands ahead of Germany in terms of trade turnover with Russia and is the second largest trading partner after China Moscow. However, MN17 Flight tragedy in an instant destroyed the seemingly strong relationships Amsterdam and Moscow, the Netherlands has turned into one of the most persistent supporters of anti-Russian sanctions and harsh criticism of Russia's actions in Ukraine.

Since the beginning of Russian aggression against Ukraine United Kingdom also was active in its support of our country. Aggressive policies and actions of Russia to Ukraine caused deep resentment in the higher echelons of the British government. In this context, the official London implemented a series of sanctions and restrictive measures unilateral and multilateral formats. In particular, the UK provides active assistance to Ukraine in international organizations such as the UN (particularly in the UNSC), OSCE, NATO, the Council of Europe, EU, and UNESCO.

Kingdom of Sweden in the political and economic dimensions strongly supports Ukraine. Sweden takes an active position of political opposition aggressor, using the podium of various international organizations and forums. According to the country, the Russian leadership is trying to rein in Kyiv, cross sovereignty and territorial integrity even to make Ukraine's next governor. EU in general and Sweden in particular condemned the annexation of the Crimean peninsula and the inclusion of Russia. The responsibility for the current crisis of European security, in the opinion of Sweden, lies on the Russian leadership.

"It is important that we all understand. We will never tolerate military aggression for changing European borders "- said Swedish Prime Minister Fredrik Reinfeldt and Foreign Minister Carl Bildt. [6] In response, Russia has applied a method known show of force. Near the coast of Sweden secret Russian submarine with a full ammunition nuclear weapons on board (called the second Kursk) allegedly crashed. It is likely that this provocation, carefully disguised as an emergency, was intended to partially divert world attention from the Russian aggressive actions in Donbas.

Ukraine and Sweden implement military cooperation, exchange of experience in crisis management, peacekeeping operations, reforming the armed forces and environmental safety. The Swedish Government initiated and funded the program "Initiative Nordic countries and the Baltic States' cooperation with Ukraine in the field of security, which aims to support reform of the security sector and defense. The new strategy for Swedish development assistance in Eastern Europe for the period 2014-2020. Essentially focused on Ukraine. The amount of support in this period about 175 mln.euro and covers three key areas: 1) strengthening democracy, respect for human rights and a developed state under the rule of law; 2) improving the environment, reducing the impact on climate; 3) deepening economic integration of Ukraine with the EU and the development of a market economy.

Kingdom of Denmark actively supports Ukraine in its struggle for sovereignty and territorial integrity. Ambassador of this country Mrs. Merete Yul on October 14, 2014 officially handed over to representatives of the Armed Forces of Ukraine 15 advanced aviation GPS navigators 695 Atlantic, necessary for Ukrainian aircraft regards the implementation of accurate and secure global operations. Military cooperation between the two countries based on the Declaration of Principles and the basic principles of cooperation and partnership between Ukraine and the Kingdom of Denmark on March 5, 1996 and the Memorandum of Understanding on Military Matters on 24 August 1996.

In the Joint Communiqué of the Presidents of Ukraine and the Turkish Republic the level of Ukrainian-Turkish relations was defined as a constructive partnership, although during the summit talks the parties call these relations strategic. Turkish representatives confirmed unequivocal support for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine. At the same time, stress the need to protect the rights and freedoms of Crimean Tatars ARC [7].

Canada has supported Ukraine in its confronting the aggressor. The head of the Government of Canada Stephen Harper December 19, 2014 has announced the introduction of additional economic sanctions and a ban on entry to 20 Russian and Ukrainian people, as well as new restrictions on the export of technologies for exploration and production of oil. The Canadian side reiterated its support for Ukraine, in particular by providing military assistance and military cooperation, which was enshrined in the Declaration of Intent defense ministries of Ukraine and Canada December 8, 2014. However, Canada provides extensive humanitarian assistance to Ukraine: the Ukrainian seaports arrived three ships of Canadian humanitarian aid, and this - 54 sea containers, which - 67 thousand. Pairs of shoes and 27 thousand. Sets of warm clothing. In addition, Canadians sent to Ukraine plane with a mobile hospital [8].

A positive factor became support of Bulgaria's sovereign policy of Ukraine. Bulgarian President Rosen Plevneliev called Russia nationalistic and aggressive state. In his view, Putin needs to change his vision of foreign policy; Bulgarian military cooperation with Russia manages its country rather expensive and contains a corruption risk. Recall that the so-called 16th republic of the former USSR - Bulgaria is dependent on Russian energy not less than the leading countries of Europe. However, this did not prevent it condemn acts of aggression of Russia against Ukraine and reject three energy projects of interest to Moscow. In addition, it did not help either deep historical ties or religious principles: Sofia took a definite stand and firmly supported sanctions against the aggressor. This is quite an interesting phenomenon, because a few years ago the situation and events evolved so that Bulgaria is poured water on the mill Moscow, Russia endorsing all its projects and plans. Perhaps that is why Ukrainian experts have seen at first in Bulgaria outside the country of our allies.

Romania follows a clear policy to support Ukraine in defending the sovereignty and territorial integrity. Foreign Minister of Ukraine Pavlo Klimkin thanked the President of the Romanian Klaus Yohannisu for its consistent support for the territorial integrity, sovereignty and independence of Ukraine, the condemnation of the annexation of the Russian Federation of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea, Russian aggression in the eastern Donetsk and Luhansk regions of Ukraine, Moscow's support of terrorist organizations "DPR" and "LPR". This was discussed during the visit of Minister to Romania on February 17, 2015.

Latvian Parliament (Saeima) recognized the Holodomor as a deliberate act of genocide against the Ukrainian people. Today, the country receives the treatment in a rehabilitation center in Vaivara, in Jurmala wounded during ATO. Latvia Ukrainians did not remain indifferent to the problems of Ukrainian, Latvian Ukrainian Congress with the assistance of volunteers from Sweden, Latvia collected humanitarian aid for the country worth about 55 thousand. Euro. Cargo from Stockholm - medications, things, etc. - 27 December 2014 came to Riga seaport and beyond - in Dnipropetrovsk. The public Estonian authorities actively support Ukraine in defending the sovereignty and integrity in its fight against Russian invaders. Since 2014, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Estonia has provided nearly 1 mln. euros to support Ukraine, of which more than 70 thousand funds were transferred to the Agency for Refugees to the needs of immigrants. In addition, in October 2014 the Government of Estonia with the Estonian companies in Ukraine gave food worth 80 thousand euro. Lithuanian President Dalia Grybauskaitė said that "today betray the Ukrainian people means that we have betrayed ourselves, because after Ukraine we will be following."

The Baltic States defend the territorial integrity of Ukraine, condemn Russian interference in its internal affairs, calling for a peaceful settlement of political disputes, and provide appropriate assistance.

Uzbekistan supports the integrity and independence of Ukraine, it does not recognize Crimea part of Russia. This was discussed, including the Statement on the situation in Ukraine and the Crimean issue March 4, 2014 of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Uzbekistan. The government of the Republic also expresses its strong and continued commitment to international law on the principles of the UN Charter, insists on resolving international disputes by peaceful means, and urges to refrain in international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state.

We also emphasize that the State of Israel supports Ukraine in its struggle for territorial integrity and sovereignty.

The determining factor for the preservation of the sovereignty of Ukraine is mutual understanding with the United States. A special event in the Ukrainian-American relations was the Joint Statement of the Presidents of Ukraine and the USA on April 4, 2005, which initiated a strategic format of bilateral relations. He was later enshrined in the Charter Ukraine - US Strategic Partnership of 20 December 2008.

Now the United States defend Ukraine in its opposition to the Russian aggressor, not only through international legal mechanisms and through unilateral sanctions. It is the US administration launched a campaign of political and economic sanctions against Russia, which is an undeclared war against a sovereign Ukraine. United States September 12, 2014 added to the list of authorized Sberbank of Russia, Transneft, Surgutneftegaz, Gazprom Neft, Lukoil, Gazprom, and five high-tech defense of public corporations, including Rostehnolohyy.

The United States started a dialogue with the Russian leadership to the peaceful solution of problems and crisis. US Secretary of State assured the Ukrainian side that the aggression of Russia against Ukraine - is not only a violation of all international laws, but also extremely dangerous action that will lead to international isolation and sanctions strengthened. Germany, France and other countries in Europe, no doubt, will respond to it. Secretary of State said that Washington and Kyiv are partners and strategic allies. [9]

US sanctions against Russia spread to the US National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA), although this prohibition does not apply to the operation of the International Space Station (ISS). The US space agency NASA announced that the cease cooperation with Russia in protest against the policy of Russia on Crimea. The United States also stopped issuing licenses for the export and re-export of military products to Russia (recall that the United States exported to Russia explosives and laser devices $ 1.5 billion.).

US President Barack Obama and other politicians actively supported Ukraine in its struggle for national sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity. Obama urged world protect Ukraine. In response Poroshenko stressed the importance of US support to counter Russian aggression. Ukraine receives specific practical assistance in addition to that already came to our country, which is 240 million dollars and 1 bln. dollars of financial guarantees. The President expressed confidence that the US will continue to mobilize the international community to support Ukraine continues to be performing consistently for the sovereignty and independence of our country.

Thus, Ukraine partnership with the United States Ukrainian side considers strategic and sure that such a position is occupied by the US.

The position of Poland in defense of the sovereignty of Ukraine from Russian aggression is active. It turned out, especially in support of the Maidan, in defending the inviolability of Ukraine in all international levels. This position can be explained not only unhealed historic wounds of Polish society: the three divisions of Poland imperial Russia, the destruction of a country with a map of Europe, the elimination of patriotic forces, the tragedy of Katyn tragedy near Smolensk with the death of the tops of Polish pro-European government, the causes of which have not opened, etc.

Protective Polish policy towards Ukraine explained and foreign interests, the Polish side is supported by the Kingdom of Sweden has been commissioned to implement eastern vector foreign policy of the European Union. Poland in fact took responsibility for progress towards Ukrainian membership in NATO and the EU.

Poles are aware of how Ukraine is important for the Polish national security. Although at the beginning of the new millennium political relations between Ukraine and Poland have had trouble on political and humanitarian grounds, with increased pro-Russian lobby in the Polish government circles. Furthermore, leading European politicians warned Poland on the active lobbying of Ukraine. This situation was observed reorientation of Poland in-depth solve the internal problems of the state, distancing problem of external partners, which was in the West Ukraine.

Poland will continue to protect the interests of Ukraine in NATO and the EU; Poland clearly said that Ukraine should join the North Atlantic Alliance and the European Union, subject to its requirements. The positive cooperation was a joint military battalion (UkrPolbat) to participate in international peacekeeping and humanitarian operations. UkrPolbat in the forces of KFOR acted in Kosovo (former Yugoslavia). Ukrainian military contingent assignment in the British-Polish stabilization forces and builders (over 1,600 people) in the reconstruction of Iraq.

In the frames of cooperation on September 22, 2014, the governments of Ukraine, Lithuania and Poland signed an agreement to establish a joint Lithuanian-Polish-Ukrainian brigade etc.

In developing relations with the Republic of Poland in the near future and the prospects of Ukraine regard the need to deepen the strategic partnership, which will contribute to European security. Strict objective reality requires tight interaction of the two countries, which will ensure their security in the regional and sub-regional dimensions.

In contrast to the policy of the President of the Czech Republic, the majority of sitizens shares sovereign aspirations of Ukraine. A position of M. Zeman causes indignation of many Czech politicians and public figures. In the Czech Republic often held mass protests against the policies of Prague on the Ukrainian question demanding the president resign. Czech Senators 5 December 2014 called on the president to stop the support of Russia, which ignores the principles of international law and international obligations. In support of the Ukrainian population of Czech citizens 10 December 2014 prepared for shipment east Ukraine 6 trucks with warm clothes, shoes, hygiene needs and building materials. [10]

Completing the review of the bilateral cooperation between Ukraine and the leading countries of Europe and America, we note the following. Schemes of bilateral relations, the reaction of Russia in violation of the principles of international law, peace and security is the differential. Differ also equal political, economic and humanitarian-cultural cooperation. We emphasize that Western sanctions against the most harmful to the Baltic states and Poland. However, these are the most active state support sanctions protecting Ukraine - thereby protect themselves.

Tracing the path traveled by Ukraine in search of reliable, predictable and strong partners, whose support can be expected in the most difficult situations of political and economic life, conclude that our country has recognized the strategic relationship with the United States, the Republic of Poland, Sweden and the Baltic countries. Priority partners - Germany, Turkey and others.

We emphasize that none of these countries outside the United States and the Republic of Poland, which are in our list not announced a strategic partnership with Ukraine and did not conclude on this special documents, assuming corresponding obligations. However, the facts, each of them can be considered a strategic partner of Ukraine, as trying to curb the aggressor restore the territorial integrity of Ukraine and help it in the development and strengthening of national armed forces despite their own interests.

What is the strategic partnership and what the strategic partner have to be? Responses we have to seek for the international practice of today.

References

1. See Lyudmila Chekalenko. The foreign policy of Ukraine: Textbook / Answer. Ed. first rector of State Agrarian University, MFA of Ukraine V. Tsivatyy. - K .: "LAT & K", 2015. - 477 p., 8 p. il. - Access: www.estudents.com.ua/glavy/51596-23-strategchne-partnerstvo.html

2. See I. Zhovkva. Strategic partnership in foreign policy of Ukraine. - Author. Thesis ... candidate. flight. Sciences: 23.00.04 / I.I. Zhovkva; Kiev. nat. University of them. Shevchenko. - K., 2005.- 20 p. - Thesis.

3. Vladimir Saprykin. Director of energy programs Ukrainian Centre for Economic and Policy Research of Razumkov. - Access: www.razumkov.org.ua/ukr/article. php? news id = 113.

5. See: Merkel urged France not to sell the "Mistral" to Russia / July 18, 2014 - Access Mode: www.day.kiev.ua/ru/news/180714-merkel-prizvala-franciyu-ne- prodavat-mistrali-rossii

6. David Cameron is the first world leader who refused to shake hands with Putin today. - Access: 24tv.ua/n451243; Hyllevy Эnhstrёm: See.: uacrisis.org/ru/hillevi-engstrom/; G. Kuhaleyshvili. What is forgotten Russian submarine. - 10.24.2014. - See more at: uaforeignaffairs.com ua/ekspertna-dumka/view/article/shcho-zabuv-rosiiskii-pidvodnii-choven-u-teritorialnikh/#sthash.ybiF2NdW.dpuf

7. See:

www.academia.edu/338582/Ukraine_and_Turkey_in_the_context_of_geopolitical_transformations _in_the_Black_Sea_area; Греція, Італія і Туреччина надали РФ шість поромів для постачання Криму 19.07.2014

8. See: Режим доступу: pm.gc.ca/eng/news /2014/12/19/ prime-minister-stephen-harper-speaks-ukrainian-president-petro-poroshenko; gordonua.com/news/worldnews/MID-Bolgariya-ne-obyazana-obyasnyat-Rossii-svoi-suverennye-resheniya-45298.html; Див.:

latvia.mfa.gov.ua/ua/ukraine-lv/diplomacy

9. The United States applied new sanctions against Russia. 09.12.2014 17:51. - Access mode: www.business.ua/articles/ companies / 5,254-kerri-ne-virit-scho-rosiya-vtorgnetsya-v-ukrajinu.html

10. ... Miloš Zeman threw eggs, tomatoes and sandwiches. - See.: Access:http://czechia.mfa.gov.ua/ua/press-center/news/31273-shhodo-vislovlyuvany-prezidenta-chr-milosha-zemana

European initiatives the Republic of Korea and China:

prospects of bringing Ukraine

Vasyl Marmazov

Sergiy Goropaha

Summary

The article examines the main aspects of the new transcontinental transport corridors formation in Eurasia, the case of the South Korea`s Eurasia Initiative and China`s One Belt, One Route Initiative. Special attention is paid to the state and prospects of Ukraine's involvement in Eurasian transport corridors.

Keywords: Republic of Korea, China, Ukraine, globalization, transport corridor, transport and logistic system.

The rapid process of internationalization and globalization of the world economy and trade in recent decades and the growing interdependence of countries' economies have become the impetus for establishing sustainable relationships between countries, the formation of integrated transport and logistics systems in the long run.

The dynamic development of the Republic of Korea (RK) and the People's Republic of China (PRC) and the need to expand their representation in the markets of European countries have stepped consignment flows between Asia and Europe, led to the intensification of transport systems and the need to create, including on their basis, the new transcontinental land corridors. Notable elements of processes in this area, attracting more and more attention of Eurasia and other continents, became "Eurasian Initiative" (Eurasia Initiative) of President RK Pack GIN He and initiative of the President of China Si Jinpin "One belt - one way" (One Belt, One Route), and also, to some extent, the concept of current Japanese Prime Minister Sidzo Abe (Quality Infrastructure Investment).

"Eurasian Initiative"

Announcing the "Eurasian initiative" at the international conference "Global cooperation in the Eurasia era" (October 2013, Seoul), President of RK Pak GIN He said that "a new era should be reopened by combining into a single Eurasian continent "in order to create a peaceful community based on economic cooperation and joint innovation. [1] As part of measures was proposed to create a "Silk Road Express", which would include an integrated network of roads and railways from the South Korean port city of Busan - Gate East Asia - in South and North Korea, China and Central Asia to Europe.

Implementation of the "Eurasia initiative" expert comma Republic of Korea considered at least the following three main dimensions. Geo-economic dimension determines not only the vision of South Korea's economic integration in the Eurasian space, but also encourages the region to participate in multilateral joint economic projects in the fields of logistics, transport, energy, science, technology and even culture. The very same multilateral economic cooperation in Eurasia would rotate around the main trans'Eurasian corridor consists of energy, transportation and distribution networks. In the middle of the country's initiative Pak GIN He, opening access to a large Eurasian economy, designed to give new impetus to the bulbar South Korean economy, promote the implementation of one of the main directions of economic policy - the transformation of the Korean economic system in the "creative economy" (the strategy of economic development based to create new industries and markets, expand production by combining inventiveness and creative abilities of Korean science and technology).

Security dimension is to improve the security situation on the Korean peninsula on a practical level by involving North Korea to multilateral economic cooperation, which will serve as an impetus for change into the China and its domestic and foreign policy in this part of "Eurasian Initiative" is seen as a tool for implementation of two other foreign policy vectors President Park GIN He "Initiative for peace and cooperation in Northeast Asia" (NAPCI) and building trust on the Korean peninsula, which aim to launch in the region of the so-called Seoul process, such as Helsinki in Europe, which would contribute to building trust international relations and peace, stability and reunification of the two Koreas.

The third dimension is believed to be linked to the geopolitical strategy of the Republic of Korea to address the problem of double depending of competitors: the US - in terms of security and China - in trade and economy.

Implementing the project "Eurasian Initiative", South Korea already is building of southern railway "Seoul (ROK) - Wonsan (North Korea)" Trans-Korean Railway (TDF, runs through North and South Korea) to the fact that in the future TDF was 'Consolidated with other railways Eurasia.

The results of the eighth summit RK-EU, held in September 2015 in Seoul, showed support of the "Eurasian Initiative" of the European Union [2].

According to South Korean experts, logistics and energy networks in the Eurasia region will make it possible to not only reduce logistics costs and stimulate world trade, but also stabilize the prices of raw materials, contribute to global growth.

"One belt - one way"

In autumn 2013 President of China Si Jinpin initiated the creation of an economic corridor along the ancient Silk Road - "Silk Road Economic Belt" and "Marine Silk Road of XXI century" (initiative "One belt - one way"). Today, according to the Minister of Foreign Affairs of China Wang Yi, this project has already agreed to take part about 60 countries and organizations.

The initiative "One belt - one way" is believed to be serve as a new model of international cooperation and global management. In this context, the Chinese side view of this model is the need to implement key priorities:

- Strengthening policy coordination through intergovernmental cooperation, political mutual trust and consensus decision-making;

- Strengthening cooperation in the fields of transport, energy and communications infrastructure with subsequent formation of the network, connecting Asia, Europe and Africa;

- Creating an enabling environment for trade, investment and eliminating trade barriers to stimulate mutually beneficial exchanges and increase the dynamics of economic development of the region;

- Building a solid social basis for the deepening of bilateral and multilateral cooperation by strengthening cultural and scientific exchanges, expand cooperation in the fields of media, tourism and education. [3]

Route "Silk Road Economic Belt" is currently not fully formed and in terms of the Chinese side would consist of three land corridors marked in Fig. 1. The main international corridors are "Marine Silk Road of XXI century" would have to pass on the routes specified in Fig. 2 [4].

Taking into account the importance of creating an effective transport and logistics system on the Eurasian continent, Kazakhstan and China consider possible ways to consolidate their infrastructure initiatives. In particular, in September 2015 the matter was discussed at the highest level. A key role in this process can certainly play a bilateral free trade agreement signed in June 2015 and entered into force in late December of that year.

During 2015 in Seoul was held a number of international events, during which representatives of government and academia from around the world comprehensively discussed the state and prospects of implementation of infrastructure initiatives of RK and China. The results of these activities give grounds to conclude that South Korea and China will form a new concept focused their political and economic relations with countries of the Eurasian continent, which will be the main areas of their diplomacy in the next decade. Successful implementation in the first place, "one zone - one way" and to some extent "Eurasian Initiative" and form a single long-term system of international relations, as well as infrastructure and trade routes between Asia, Europe and Oceania [5].

Perspectives involving Ukraine in Eurasian transport corridors

The advantageous geopolitical location of Ukraine, its scientific and industrial and transport potential, and the need to include our country to a new system of Eurasian transport corridors have long studied Ukrainian scientists and discussed among experts. During the last period were some visible practical steps taken by the relevant state institutions towards attracting Ukraine to new trends in the Eurasian transport space.

One of the key factors in this regard the adoption of state-level principled decisions on systemic reform of the transport and infrastructure sectors of Ukraine, in particular, the railway sector, roads and systems management, restoration operation of Ukrainian inland waterways as a transport artery of the country, simplified control formalities at crossing the state border, formation of competitive tariff policy and so on.

An important development in this context should be considered as an offer to Ukraine by the Chinese side in April 2015 to participate in the implementation of the concept of "one zone - one way" and the willingness of Chinese banks to invest in infrastructure facilities of our country [6].

Noteworthy is the fact that in 2015 the participation of Ukraine in the Eurasian transcontinental transport projects on the agenda of international negotiations at the highest level. In particular, in October 2015 the leaders of Ukraine and Kazakhstan paid special attention to the expansion of transport infrastructure for transportation of goods from Asia to Europe via Kazakhstan and Ukraine in the context of the PRC "One belt - one way" (through the territory of Kazakhstan are the main land line Chinese project "new Silk road") [7]. The question of the participation of our country in the creation of the transcontinental transport corridor was also discussed in the negotiations of heads of Ukraine and Turkmenistan (October 2015). The participation of the Ministry of Infrastructure of Ukraine in ASEM Symposium on Eurasia Transport and Logistics Network (September 2015, South Korea) [8] and Tbilisi Silk Road Forum (October 2015, Georgia) [9] made it possible not only to introduce participants to transport and export potential of Ukraine, but also to discuss with representatives of some importance and validity of including Ukraine in transevrasian corridor.

In summary, it should be noted that under the current restructuring of the global space, particularly in the Eurasian part, toward the joining of two successful global markets - European and Asian - geostrategic mission Ukraine and Azerbaijan, Georgia and Kazakhstan can take their rightful place in technology exchanges, free movement of goods, capital, services, and in view of demographic constraints and interests of national security - and also human resources. [10]

At this stage our country, despite the Russian aggression, must make the all most effective tools for inclusion in the initiative "One belt - one way", taking into account a proposal to Ukraine by the Chinese side. Acquires relevance cooperation of our country with the Asian Bank for infrastructure investments (AIIB), one of the key areas of financial support, which will be implementing the project of Chinese "New Silk Road". Members of the newly established financial institutions have become important partners of Ukraine - Azerbaijan, Georgia and Kazakhstan [11].

Thus, the impact of strategic dialogue of Ukraine with China, RK, Kazakhstan and the EU will depend greatly successful resolution of the issue of the inclusion of a new system of Eurasian transport links. This, in turn, will help create real opportunities for converting our country into a reliable and efficient transport and logistics hub on the Eurasian continent. In addition, the active participation of Ukraine in the new trans-Eurasian transport and logistics system will help stabilize the country's economy and improve its competitiveness in the world.

References

1. Remarks by President Park Geun-hye at the 2013 International Conference on Global Cooperation in the Era of Eurasia [Електронний ресурс] / Cheong Wa Dae // Режим доступу:

english1.president.go.kr/activity/speeches.php

2. Joint Press Statement, 8th Republic of Korea-EU Summit. Seoul, 15 September 2015 [Електронний ресурс] / European Council // Режим доступу: www.consilium.europa.eu/en/press/press-releases/2015/09/15-korea-joint-press-statement/

3. Zhang Siyun. "One belt - one way" [Electronic resource] / Mirror week. Ukraine // Режим доступу: gazeta.dt.ua/international/odin-poyas-odin-shlyah-_.html.

4. Guo Xiaobei. Asian-Euro Transport Cooperation of the Belt and Road Strategy [Електронний ресурс] / ASEM Symposium Seoul 2015 // Режим доступу: www.asemkorea2015.org/files/Session1_02%20Guo%20xiaobei.pdf

5. Marmazov B. "One belt - one way." What are the perspectves of Ukraine opens up the realization of the Eurasian transport and logistics initiative of the Republic of Korea and China [electronic resource] / day weekly digest "Day" // Access: www.day.kiev.ua/uk/article/svitovi-dyskusiyi / odyn-poyas-odyn-shlyah

6. China has invited Ukraine to participate in the creation of the Silk Road counterpart in the twentieth century [electronic resource] / UNIAN News Agency // Access:

economics.unian.ua/transport/1067915-kitay-zaproponuvav-ukrajini-vzyati-uchast-u-stvorenni-analoga-velikogo-shovkovogo-shlyahu-u-hhi-stolitti.html

7. The President of Ukraine met in Astana with Prime Minister of Kazakhstan [electronic resource] / President of Ukraine // Access: www.president.gov.ua/news/prezident-ukrayini-v-astani-proviv -zustrich-z-premyer-minist-3610

8. www.asemkorea2015.org

9. Western Europe is Missing the Boat on China's Silk Road [Електронний ресурс] / The Diplomat // Режим доступу: thediplomat.com/2015/10/western-europe-is-missing-the-boat-on-chinas-silk-road/

10. Marmazov V.E. 20th anniversary of relations between Ukraine and the Republic of Korea: results and perspectives of cooperation within the Euro-Pacific integration / V.E.Marmazov // Scientific Bulletin of the Diplomatic Academy of Ukraine. Issue 19. Foreign policy and diplomacy, experience, models, traditions / under total. Ed. N.O.Tatarenko, V.H.Tsivatoho. - K: State Agrarian University, MFA of Ukraine, 2012. - P. 40-45.

11. www.aiib.org

Foreign policy and diplomatic tools of Latvia in the European geopolitical space (1991-2016): Institutional aspect

Vyacheslav Tsivatyy

Summary

The basic directions of foreign policy, historical and institutional preconditions of its formation, political, diplomatic and socio-economic potential of the Republic of Latvia in XX-XXI centuries is analyzed at the article. Particular attention is paid to the peculiarities of state formation, to national specifics, the model of diplomacy and diplomatic tools, achievements, problems and perspectives of institutional development of political and diplomatic Latvia in the globalized world.

Keywords: foreign policy, diplomacy, institutionalization, political and diplomatic system, diplomatic tools, the Republic of Latvia, Ukraine.

Current research focuses on foreign policy and diplomacy of Latvia in historical to the present, because Latvia is one of the Baltic states, which is located in a very important of civilization, geopolitical, geo-economic, military-strategic, institutional and political and diplomatic points of view and special ethno social in respect of the region, at which foreign strategic planning from 1991 traditionally allocated a leading role in European politics Eastern-Central Europe and the former Soviet Union.

In the article there are basic directions of foreign policy and diplomacy of Lithuania, historical, geopolitical and institutional conditions of their formation, political, diplomatic, social and economic potential of the Republic of Latvia in XX-XXI centuries. Special attention is paid to the peculiarities of state formation, national specifics, the model of diplomacy and diplomatic tools, achievements, problems and perspectives of institutional development of political and diplomatic Latvia in the globalized world.

The geopolitical situation of Latvia at present time is stable [1; 2]. The main directions of foreign policy have their own institutional history and continuing in the foreign and diplomatic activities of the current Foreign Minister of Latvia Edgars Rinkevichsa, holding this position since 25 October 2011.

In his address to the ambassadors of Latvia 4 November 2015 Edgars Rinkevichs said that during the presidency of Latvia in the Council of the European Union's diplomatic service able to mobilize their forces to work effectively and to accumulate practical experience necessary for further political and diplomatic activities, "Experience over time presidency valuable experience with the use of available resources in the ministry and diplomatic tool helps improve and plays an important role in planning events to celebrate the centenary of the Latvian state."

The minister also touched on the question of diplomatic service, the dynamics of the diplomatic missions, the closure of existing and opening new embassies, taking into account the priorities of Foreign Service by 2020. Ambassadors tasked to intensify its work on the development of the state's foreign trade policy and promotion of economic ties and attracting investments in the foreseeable future will be the most important part of these missions. This problem is of particular relevance in the context of the completion of the accession of Latvia to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD).

Republic of Latvia from 2004 is a member of the European Union and NATO. At the beginning of 2016 it has established diplomatic relations with 155 foreign countries, with 43 of them (including - Austria, Brazil, France, Germany, Great Britain, Japan, China, US) are recognized Latvian Republic in 1921-1928 years. Latvia is a member of a number of international and regional organizations, including the Council of Baltic Sea States, the Baltic Assembly and the Baltic Council.

Main directions of foreign policy of Latvia specified in the doctrinal documents of the State. Republic demonstrates a consistent commitment to policies Brussels, supporting the development of democracy and implementation of reforms in Georgia, Ukraine and Moldova takes part in NATO-led.

Model and structure of the modern diplomatic service of Latvia was transformed in response to new threats and challenges of the globalized world. On the other hand, the experience of reform and implementation of tools and new diplomatic model Latvian diplomacy is interesting for Ukraine. Global changes in the international community that have taken place in the late 1990s, and especially - in the 2000s, prompted political leaders in Latvia to seek new ways to ensure national security and, consequently, to a radical revision of traditional approaches to the implementation of foreign policy objectives and improve diplomatic tool in particular - the transition from the classical concept of diplomacy to create a new diplomatic and consular service of the European model that can first take an active part in international organizations and skillfully used to achieve positive results both multilateral and bilateral diplomacy.

The main priorities and characteristics of new foreign and defense policy of Latvia is to participate in the system of collective security based on active cooperation with international organizations, the development of European and regional capacity combating crises while maintaining the ability to defend its territory and confidence in the political and diplomatic solidarity among -PARTNER.

In the Republic of Latvia diplomatic service operates on the classical model, which is based on the provisions of the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations, the Law on Diplomatic and Consular Service of Latvia Regulations of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Latvia.

MFA is a managing agency of government in foreign affairs. The current structure of the diplomatic service of Latvia include: Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Latvia, the Bureau representative Cabinet to international human rights organizations, diplomatic missions abroad (embassies, consulates, representative offices of international organizations) and the Latvian Institute (dealing with the formation of positive image country abroad). The head of the diplomatic service of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Latvia. The structure of the central apparatus exists post of parliamentary secretary with responsibility for relations with Parliament ministry. Coordinates the work of the staff of the Ministry of State Secretary of the Foreign Ministry of Latvia, which has a deputy.

Departments of the central apparatus of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs are Directorates and headed by Deputy Secretary of State, composed of departments and divisions. At the Ministry operates seven directorates: the first political (on issues of the European Union); second political (security policy issues); third political (bilateral relations); economic relations and development cooperation policy; legal and consular issues; administrative; staff development.

Just obey the Secretary of State, State Protocol Department of Information and Public Relations Department of Homeland Security, Bureau of Political Directors, Office of Internal Audit, Special Ambassador.

Model diplomacy and diplomatic service of Latvia reformed accordance with the EU model. This process clearly traced compulsory stages and its features. Today we can thus summarize the steps of reforming the diplomatic service of Latvia in accordance with the requirements of the European Union.

Note that changes in the organization of the Latin diplomatic service during the accession to EU did not happened. The structure Central Office from 2000 to 2004 (EU accession) functioning of the European Union Department, which employed 29 staff. After joining the EU department was expanded and doubled the number of employees. In turn Representation of Latvia to the European Union in 2002 numbered 9 diplomats, today there are 70 employees, including 25 from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Latvia, the other - representatives of branch ministries. According to current practice, since 2002 a diplomatic employee of the Foreign Ministry of Latvia was sent to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the State which was heading in the European Union to examine the EU presidency. This enabled the Republic of Latvia successfully fulfill its task during the EU presidency in 2015.

According to the Treaty of Lisbon Latvia delegate to the European Union's foreign service diplomats and selects its candidates is the gold reserve of the professional institutions. Deserves special attention to the economic component of the Latvian Foreign Service. Economic Mission of the country abroad are subject to the Latvian Investment and Development Agency (LAIR) and operate in Germany, the UK, France, Sweden, the Netherlands, Norway, of Denmark, Russia and Kazakhstan. In the 2000s LAIR opened branch in Poland, Japan and other countries. Today LAIR works closely with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Latvia and Latvian diplomatic missions. The objective is to study the economic representative market for Latvian entrepreneurs providing essential information on the investment climate in the host country of the work on attracting investments to Latvia. Due to the economic activities of the country offices in the 2006-2016 biennium was implemented over 100 successful export projects. In Kiev, the Embassy of Latvia in Ukraine is LAIR employee whose duties are to promote Latvian businessmen in the work of the Ukrainian market. During the 2013-2016 biennium Ukraine and Latvia cooperate mainly in the financial sector [3].

In 2016, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Latvia clearly outlined main foreign policy objectives of Latvia as an EU member since 2004. He noted that in 2015 and previous years rhythm and agenda of foreign policy of Latvia have been subordinated to the task of preparing and holding of its first presidency of the European Union. Successful completion of this task completed twenty years ago started the process of European integration Latvia, strengthen the European identity of the state, marked a new stage in its foreign policy. The objective in 2016 is to use obtained under the presidency of experience and international prestige to take care of national interests of Latvia. Ministry of Foreign Affairs using gained during the EU presidency experience should continue to work with partners (social collaborates, NGOs, academia) to further the formulation of foreign policy priorities and interests of Latvia in the medium term.

In recent years, new threats and challenges to security in Europe and the world that forced Latvia to significantly increase its contribution to the strengthening of NATO's collective defense, which shows the maturity of the Latvian state and its willingness to assume responsibility for security in Europe and worldwide. It is important to realize that Latvia is no longer "new EU and NATO member", as a full member of these organizations and responsible transatlantic ally. In 2016 comes the final stage of the accession process to the OECD Latvia. Participation in this organization provides an opportunity to promote economic growth; prosperity and sustainable development of Latvia take place in the global economy among democratic countries with modern market economies. These integration processes create favorable conditions for Latvia to effectively respond to global and regional security challenges in a changing international and political-diplomatic environment. Among these challenges in the coming years as particularly serious, should highlight the fight against international terrorism, settlement of the conflict in Syria to overcome the crisis, migration, strengthening the security of the external borders of the European Union to strengthen stability in the neighboring region of the EU and economic growth in the Eurozone.

In this context very important was the ceremonial visit of the Ambassador of Latvia to Ukraine Juris Poykansa to the Diplomatic Academy of Ukraine, MFA of Ukraine on 19 January this year. I, as the rector of the institution, it was very gratifying to hear from the lips of his esteemed diplomat sincere belief not only of the importance of bilateral relations between Ukraine and Latvia, but also the need to deepen the relationship between institutions and foreign diplomatic profile of the two countries. The Ambassador praised Ukraine work towards a visa-free regime with the European Union and stressed that visa-free travel and Association Agreement Ukraine - EU opens new opportunities for Ukraine. I was very pleased to express my gratitude to Mr. Ambassador not only of themselves but also for all future diplomats who start their career highs at the Diplomatic Academy of Ukraine at the Foreign Ministry, for its consistent support for Latvia Ukraine and assistance in establishing institutional cooperation between specialized educational institutions of both countries. Ambassador Juris Poykans during our protocol of the meeting noted that Latvia is a reliable friend of Ukraine and it is ready to provide all possible assistance and support in the implementation of systemic reforms. He also drew attention to the interest of Latvian business in the Ukrainian market. Of course, in our opinion, this issue with Mr. Ambassador was unanimous - the introduction of a free trade zone between Ukraine and the EU will create new prospects for deepening trade and economic relations both at the bilateral level and in relations between the Ukrainian and European entrepreneurs and scientists.

Between Latvia and Ukraine bilateral political and diplomatic dialogue has always been an active and dynamic. Ukraine August 26, 1991 recognized the state independence of the Republic of Latvia, and December 4, 1991 Latvia recognized Ukraine's independence. Diplomatic relations between the two countries were established on February 12, 1992. The strengthening and expansion of mutually beneficial relations between Ukraine and Latvia - a member of NATO and the EU are one element of the implementation course towards European integration and Euro-Atlantic cooperation, deepen political and economic cooperation with the Baltic and Nordic countries. The basis is the successful development of relations signed in 1995 Agreement between Ukraine and the Republic of Latvia on Friendship and Cooperation. Lack issues between the two countries contributes to enhance the further development of bilateral relations in political, economic, humanitarian, institutional, educational and other fields on the basis of European values ​​and the desire to take the leading role in the international community. Important in deepening bilateral relations is cooperation in the field of public and cultural diplomacy.

After the fact in 1992 was established diplomatic relations between Ukraine and the Republic of Latvia, the dialogue is always based on a common understanding. Both countries on long-term strategic aim to thoroughly develop bilateral economic and trade relations. It also reflects the interest of Latvian and Ukrainian business circles in search of new markets, as countries have major commercial potential.

Active cooperation between Italy and Ukraine upset humanitarian and educational spheres. One of the reasons - a large Ukrainian diaspora in Latvia, where there are more than 60 thousand. Ukrainian. In Latvia, the state has supported 50 Ukrainian cultural societies. Academic Library of the University of Latvia was founded Center Ukrainian literature. Through the efforts of Ambassador of Ukraine to the Republic of Latvia Juris Poykansa specific outlines plans for cooperation have become the library of the Scientific Library of the Diplomatic Academy of Ukraine under the MFA. I would also like to note outlined in our conversation with the Ambassador of the development of the Memorandum on cooperation between the Latvian University and the Diplomatic Academy of Ukraine on cooperation in training and exchange of experience with specialties humanitarian, administrative and social areas.

So we can assure that the Republic of Latvia will remain constant friend and partner of Ukraine interested in further constructive communication and the development of political and diplomatic dialogue between our countries and to the European choice of Ukraine established business, that it has found its rightful place in European polycentric world coordinate system. Latvia will always be ready to share my great experience of reforms in the sphere of European integration and improving the political and diplomatic systems and models of diplomacy.

In the long term Latvian Republic set itself alongside the traditional the new priority areas of foreign policy for the period 2016-2020 years, namely the feasibility of development of a new foreign policy document planning, secured to medium and long-term national priorities (up to 2020) in each the areas of the European Union by identifying energy and economic interests of Latvia's independence as the most important foreign policy priorities of the country; strengthening cooperation with Lithuania and Estonia for a successful defense of common interests in the EU and other international organizations; strengthening cooperation with Nordic countries, as well as Germany and Poland as the most important states of the EU and NATO in the Baltic Sea region; accession to the OECD; expanding export opportunities in Latvia by establishing closer contacts with the new leaders of economic development in the regions of Asia and Latin America and so on.

As confirmed by diplomatic practice, the Republic of Latvia today - a reliable partner for European and Euro-Atlantic cooperation. Latvia is a safe, environmentally friendly country that has successfully reform the national economy and political and diplomatic system. Latvia is a state with the generated positive image in the world and Europe.

References

1. S.I. Horoshenyuk Ukraine - Latvia: cooperation in education, culture and science / S.I. Horoshenyuk Panorama // Political Studies. - 2013 - Vol. 11. - P. 108-114.

2. V.V. Vorotnikov Foreign policy of the Baltic States at the beginning of the XXI century: scientific edition / V.V. Vorotnikov. - M .: Aspekt Press, 2015. - 272 p.

3.​ Hansen M. Joining the Eurozone - Latvia's destiny? / M. Hansen // Baltic Rim Economies. - 2013. - No. 3. - Р. 61-63.

4. Annual report of the Minister of Foreign Affairs on the progress and future work in the field of foreign policy and EU issues. - Riga, 2016. - 32 p. // Ofіtsіyny site Mіnіsterstva zakordonnih ref Latvіyskoї Respublіki. - Mode of access: http: //www.mod.gov.iv/ [19.01.2016].

Mediatization of politicy and diplomacy of the present days and challenges of new media: French format and institutional dialogue of XXI century

Iolanta-Anna de Vris

Summary

The modern media landscape experienced the essential changes with the emergence and fast distribution of the new media. Due to the social networks the next wave of the mediatization of the political reality gives the possibility to unity the supporters around the ideas and concrete actions and also creates the additional area to exchange the thoughts. Thus the blogosphere is the first indicator of the trust crisis in the society as it proves the French political life events.

Keywords: new media, French Republic, mediatization, politics, diplomacy, mass media.

During the past decades, the world has undergone significant institutional transformation because of globalization, the rise of individualism and mediatization of society, which is not the least most important factor in these transformations caption.

Nowadays, the creation and institutionalization of civil political movements is marked by the following factors - decentralization, excessive fragmentation, the wide impact of new media and the active participation of young people. Instead of rigid certainty and the high costs of time and financial model comes a new political reality, which involved greater number of citizens, which is due to the wide impact of new media. In turn, this led to more private and public transparency, opening possibilities of new technologies and communication, easy communication in politics and diplomacy through social networks. There is a new political mentality that is in constant evolution and is based on openness, on the one hand, and focus on personalities, on the other.

Mediatization process was carried out gradually, during which the illumination spectrum of political reality by the media increased, which affected both the political practice and the functioning of institutions and organizations conduct actors of political and diplomatic life. So new media has a special role in the dynamics of mediatization.

Media landscape has undergone significant changes with the emergence and rapid spread of social networks. While television did not leave their position when it comes to political communication, new media is rapidly reduce the distance of the conquest of the modern media space. There is many questions, in particular - that the impact of social networks on exercise political media sphere. The obvious fact is that the new media actively influence the substantial increase in the volume and channel political and politico-diplomatic communication, opening the way for the participation and cooperation of citizens and create opportunities for their own positioning. Among the major transformations media landscape should give the following - a significant increase access to information resources and the fragmentation of audiences according to political affiliation.

Of course, the main purpose of the media (QMS) was and still is an information function, which would entail no consequences of this transformation and are not subjected themselves own QMS.

"War has rules, mud wrestling in a rule, and politics has no rules," - said the American businessman Ross Perot, who twice put forward his candidacy for the US presidential election and gained quite a high percentage of votes. Indeed, the nature of the policy is vague on many factors, the embodiment of the political line requires the intervention of persons or groups in order to focus on specific issues that concern society, including through the establishment of a media reality. The campaign is a key step in this collective center of attention. That is why the campaign received considerable attention by the media. Historically, the development of mass media held in democratic conditions that meant his periodic use of tools for propaganda.

It should be noted that the transformation in practical communication and information policy led to the coexistence of two theories that contradict each other, namely, the theory and the theory of cognitive mobilization "media malaise." The logic of functioning and development of the media is completely embedded in the logic of political and diplomatic activity and thus mass media continue to gain political and diplomatic spheres.

The theory of "media malaise" was formulated by the American scientist George Michael Robinson in 1976. Later its followers divide in two directions: full charges telereality as the main source of illness; induce a specific set of reasons, not only charges the media. The essence of the theory is that the way in which the mass media brushing information drive or convey it to the public, has a negative impact on society in general. This largely applies to the political sphere and causes a decline in political trust, political cynicism and so on. So, in the competitive world of search sensations such conflict sometimes seems necessary to draw the attention of the audience. Media not required to seek the true coverage as comprehensive and vivid effects, as news reports from around the world are constantly overwhelmed with media space. Many facts with a lot of detail is the state of confusion. This phenomenon negatively affects the political actors political and diplomatic sphere as a whole.

Politician and diplomat attacking opponents, trying to attract attention, and prefers a negative action, leaving a positive direction is not out of focus. This creates a permanent atmosphere of distrust and cynicism that apply to political activities in general. Thus, there was a tendency, when the election political news causing a stress to the public that voters are trying to send a signal to the political community cannot count on them stopping to watch TV, read the Internet, printed periodicals. This trend entails the following - the stage of political apathy when there is a threat to the foundations of democracy, which irreversibly affects the stability of the government system, covering all areas of life. Considerable attention to mass media scandals about political or diplomatic life is the desire not to vote for the chosen political party or political leader, and ignore the elections altogether. It should be emphasized that the theory of "media malaise" face challenges by mobilizing cognitive theory, which proposes postulate positive influence mediatization of social life.

The advent of "media malaise" and the theory of cognitive mobilization in the time space separating a year. The American political scientist Ronald F. Inhlehartom formulated the latter in 1977. Its position is that, in post-industrial societies, citizens' participation in political and politico-diplomatic life is determined by their generally high quality education and access to information. Inhlehart studied the evolution theory of cognitive mobilization and its consequences in relation to the levels of cultural and economic development of society. American political scientist considered the term "higher education" and "access to information", which are closely linked. Ronald Inhlehart combined analysis of cross societies of Europe's long-term framework and research aimed to determine the effect of education on different age groups, suggesting that the level of education and access to information are increasing. In his work "silent revolution", he said: "We are interested in these changes, as they contribute to cognitive mobilization. The essence of this process is to develop the skills needed to manage political abstractions, and thus coordination distant in space and time. Without these skills, a person destined to remain more or less an outsider in the political life of the modern nation-state. Under the historical changes in the distribution of these skills were a major factor in determining the politically active community."

It should be emphasized that the impact of mediatization is dependent on the type of the media that is directly related to the content of the dominant content. Like any process, Mediatization has different dimensions and mechanisms, but with the advent of social media, she began to further define policies and transform democratic life.

Professor of Media and Communication University Oslo Knut Landry notes that the communications media are a fundamental mechanism of functioning of modern society. Mass communications are transforming the institutional image of the various political institutions to assess the activity of which currently can not be divorced from their media presence. Mediatization is a global process based on changes in communications as the basis of practice of the process of how people build social and cultural world. Because society does this by changing the practical component communication using mass media and refers to them. So Mediatization is not only process, but also the phenomenon that covers the process of communicating the axis of society - mass media.

The rapid development of new media, in which the user has the opportunity to not only choose your own content, but also become information factors, also confirmed the theory of "cognitive mobilization". Freedom of information space of social networks has created a new philosophy mediatization of society, where each member of the information exchange can be on both sides of the media reality and ordinary events turn into media reality. That is why the election campaign currently going on constantly, because thanks to new media policy and diplomats remain the focus of voters at any time and evaluation of their actions will be given instantly and irrevocably.

What are the opportunities gained through new media policy? First, it is an opportunity to promote the political content that is shared with other users, a platform for promotion to make a political choice, free exchange of ideas, or comments on particular political issues or political events, a direct appeal to participate in political life through a simple division hyperlinks join the political group and finally, the ability to subscribe to a profile political figure.

New media tools immediately became an important part of the strategy of political communication in the US. A striking example of this is Barack Obama's election campaign in 2008. The future president actively communicated immediately to the 15 networks - Myspace, Facebook, Tumblr and many others, with his team paid special attention to the dialogue in communities, uniting people for certain lines, thus sending a message to the public that Barack Obama understands and shares interests and values ​​of many citizens. Of course, the rapid process of mediatization of politics and diplomacy inherent in American society in general.

It should be noted that Mediatization political and politico-diplomatic life is not so drastically affected France, as happened in the US. However, the active use of political marketing tools observed during the time of General de Gaulle. However, neither journalistic environment nor the public for a long time not seen fit to consider privacy elements of political reality. Initial features mediatization of French political life emerged in the 60s of last century. Striking act mediatization was the appearance on the screens of the French government minister Valéry Giscard d'Estaing, who plays the accordion. Since then, French officials realized the need to review our relations with the mass media to demonstrate closeness to voters. The younger daughter Giscard d'Estaing Zhasint appeared several times during his campaign for president in 1974, particularly during meetings with voters. The candidate gave the impression of a young father, who is well-known problems of ordinary French. It should be noted that the election campaign of Valery Giscard d'Estaing was the first in the country, held at American manners, i.e. participatory mass media, which often began to appear photos of the candidate and his family.

By such actions resorted candidate in the presidential election in 2012 Sehalen Ruayal, aiming to be similar to ordinary readers of "Closer". Representatives of the political community were more likely to participate in numerous television shows "You can not please everybody," "All the talk about it", "100 minutes to establish" and pose in the ordinary course of events. A significant part of the media presence policy really brought results and even postponed his election program in the background, although recently this trend began to decline, confirming the choice of French society during the presidential elections of 2012.

Wave widespread use of new media tools France affected later than the United States. Thus, in 2012 has demonstrated an understanding of French politicians that the potential of social networking is useful to engage voters and maintain a constant dialogue with society.

At the level of the first person in the country use social networking began in the same 2012, when then-President Nicolas Sarkozy opened his account in Twitter. But the French political landscape following the new media soon marked by several scandals of fake accounts presidential candidate. The election team, Sarkozy was forced to demand the closure of five of these accounts that had no relation to the candidate.

During the presidency of Nicolas Sarkozy began a new wave of active mediatization of political reality and political and diplomatic community. His election victory politician celebrated in the presence of French shareholders and employees of the media. The president often initiated dialogue with the press, even when events not associated with political activities. However, during his divorce from Cecilia Carkozi when her friend appeared on the cover of Paris-Match, held in the press about how the French President has to Arnaud Lagardère, Gers pressure, owner promo Community Lagardère, Gers owner of the magazine, in order to release the chief editor Alain Zhenetara1 publishers. Note that Zhenetar still left his post a year after these events. Even Sarkozy's rhetoric, he called Arnaud Lagardère, Gers "brother", shows his attention to his own positioning in the media.

French media landscape marked another scandalous event in the use of social media by political leaders when, according to the deputy of the Union to support the people's movement Gerard Chartier, the then French Prime Minister Francois Fiyon registered under a pseudonym on Twitter. The MP claimed that the prime minister and a member of the Union intends to not just maintain communication via popular microblogging and anonymously find out the opinion of journalists and bloggers about him and his political party. As a result of the search was found account @cduvoux, which aroused suspicion because it did not have any user account but monitored microblogging leading journalists and government officials, representatives of the ruling political party and the opposition.

It is necessary to analyze why the use of social networks by French politicians had no such development in the US. The answer lies not only in different scales of financing election campaigns. Thus, the Obama team collected more than $ 500 million online during the election campaign in 2008, 3.5 mln. by reference Google Search and 5,500,000 through social networks. While the budget presidential campaign in France is 16.8 million euros in the first round and an additional 5 million, the candidate went to the second round.

In addition, there is a substantial difference between France and the United States in a meaningful dialogue on social networks. Citizens of the United States used them primarily for association with peers around the candidate (Obama during the campaign was created 35 thousand volunteer support groups). In France, there was a tendency to use new media to discredit the political sphere in general. Of course, at first glance, there is doubt about the correct strategy of election headquarters of candidates for president of France, and even the existence of such strategies in general or ill desire to modernize media tools. However, not least a second glance, it becomes noticeable reaction of French society to politics in general, which can be hide lack of trust in politicians and assumed their obligations.

It should also give positive examples of French political factors potential of new media.

Over the last four years, Twitter has become a media platform through which to target the short message and convenient video format preferred worldwide. In 2014 the French government took into account global trends and opened an English Tweet-account @French_Gov2. Elysee Palace mastered the art of Vine videos, Tweet-application that allows you to place 6-second video. In the account began to regularly place the key points of the French president, including a video of a traditional French cake with a surprise created by the kitchen Elysee Palace. These actions were positively met the media community and aroused considerable interest among Internet users.

The second person of the country, Prime Minister Manuel Valls, who was present on Twitter of August 2009, supports almost daily activity. His account includes 389 thousand. Followers. Almost from the date, your account is most popular in the world political community social network Twitter and French President Francois Hollande. Nicolas Sarkozy, who tend to pay much attention to media shares, inferior to their current positions of President (1.1 million vs. 1.42 million followers of Hollande). However, the most active on Twitter to members of the French Cabinet for several years in a row is Laurent Fabius, head of foreign ministry of the country.

However, the number of followers of American president is far ahead of the French colleague. Obama's Twitter-account currently has about 69 million followers for the 310 million population of 1,417,068 followers against Hollande for a country with 65 million population. But four years Twitter-state activity need some growing interest in the account of the leader of the French state, which was to open 187 thousand followers.

However, the negative turn of events continues to accompany and persons responsible for the communication of the President of France. So adviser authorized for relations with the press, head of communications Elysee Palace, Akvillo Morel had to leave his post in 2014 because of accusations of conflict of interest with the pharmaceutical industry at the time working as Inspector General of Social Affairs.

Since for relations with the media at the Elysee Palace Gaspar Hantzer responsible, professional techniques which are being questioned by the French media. It must be emphasized that this appointment is to direct the president. A graduate of the National School of Administration Hantzer has held senior positions in the press service of the City Hall of Paris and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Christophe Girard, deputy mayor, commissioner for cultural direction in which Hantzer worked as head of the secretariat described the candidate as heads of communications City Hall: "I was looking for a young graduate of the National School of Administration, who loves rap and techno, has digital technology, discreet, open." Soon Hantzer joined Agriculture Minister Stephen Le Foll, close to Francois Hollande and member of the Socialist Party.

The newly appointed communications adviser immediately began to change the cursor to the media in their own way. As the political journalist Jeremy Borssar, Hantzer centralized communication and shut president for yourself.

Most French media experts believe that the line "hipercomunication", which is prone Gaspar Hantzer not the best way affects the rating of the president. So Philippe Moreau-Chevrolet stresses that Francois Hollande "does not like the media and does not want to say who he really is," a poor communication with the French. Therefore, the strategy of Gaspar Hantzera was for the episodes of communication with the public the first person in the country will be picked up instantly on social networks, but their assessment is not well calculated.

The loudest during the past year was the scandal dubbed "Lucette gate". During the visit in Lorraine Francois Hollande October 29, 2015 came to Lyusett Coffee Brochet, nurse retired. The visit was detailed service directed by the presidential communications, as she told Madame Brochet channel BFMTV. "On Tuesday, people came from the Elysee Palace to ask me questions and tell what I say and what not. I would say that he cared a lot about immigrants, not kloshariv that flooding the streets, but that this did not have to say. "3 Chairs, bouquet and even coffee and cups were brought on the eve of City Hall, which retired nurse also told the channel. Immediately after the visit Hantzer outlined in his microblog on Twitter video, but frank stories Lyusett Brochet influenced the reaction of the blogosphere, which was not in favor of the French president.

It should be noted that for the first time public events communication services do not reach the objectives of the dialogue with society Francois Hollande and new media quickly respond to it. Local trade union leader Sebastian Benoit publicly refused to shake hands with the president during a visit to the shipyard of Saint-Nazar, accusing him of mass layoffs of workers.

Emphasize that political action can turn an ordinary performance if you do not have any connection with a serious discourse on pressing problems of society. After unsuccessful media strategy leads to simplification political functions.

Thus, it must be concluded that during the crisis of confidence in society blogosphere is its first institutional indicator, which again proves the extraordinary place of new media in modern political communication strategies. Former Secretary General of the Elysee Palace and the Foreign Minister Hubert Védrine said on French format mediatization of politics and diplomacy: "To have an impact, we must be able to produce their own ideas. What can we affect if we continue to repeat the well-established politically correct rhetoric ..? To influence - which means to bring added value to the debate. Freedom of thought and aspirations not only possible, but necessary." 4

It is the manifestation of freedom of thought and the elaboration of effective solutions contributes significantly to the widespread use of new media in politics and diplomacy that led to the reconfiguration of media space. A new wave of political reality mediatization institutional and diplomatic space through social networks makes it possible to instantly unite their supporters around the ideas and concrete actions, as well as an additional platform for exchange of views with young people.

References

1. Renaud Lecadre "Quand Sarkozy dictait sa conduite à son "frère" Arnaud Lagardère", Libération, 11 octobre 2007

2. www.burson-marsteller.fr/nos-expertises/nos-etudes/twiplomacy-2015-twitter-le-reseau-social-privilegie-des-gouvernements-pour-communiquer-et-interagir-rapidement/

3. www.bfmtv.com/politique/lucette-brochet-raconte-les-coulisses-de-sa-rencontre-avec-francois-hollande-926719.html

4. Hubert Védrine, La France au défi, Fayard, 2014, p.5.

The historical role of the state borders with particular reference to the borders of Poland

Anqey Vavrunyuk

Summary

The borders have been always connected with human history. Originally, they were marked in various ways, e.g. by pouring mounds, digging trenches or placing boundary stones. Today they play defensive role - as a line demarcating interested states territories and economic role - when they are connected with goods movement and people crossing borders phenomena. By signing the dedicated treaties, stable borders with all the neighbors are guaranteed to the Republic of Poland.

Key words: boundaries, treaty, Poland, Lithuania, Ukraine, Belarus, the European Union, the Schengen zone

Before discussion of the problems mentioned in the title we should explain the concept of "territory" and "state border". Undoubtedly, the oldest term used by historians, is territory. The ancient descriptions refers to invasion of someone's territory, not crossing the border. However already in the XIII or XIV centuries talking about borders in the context of their safety and protection, but the concept of a linear boundary value appears during the French Revolution. This is due to the French and they signed contracts introduced the term "linear boundary" in the sense line that has defined the direction and length. For information on this topic can be found in contracts in 1797 [1] and in 1801 [2] years. Treaty of Paris in 1814 and in the final act of the Congress of Vienna in 1815 [3].

The boundaries in the conventional sense, providing security and stability, appeared at a time when people decide to lead a settled way of life that has been linked to the agrarian culture that originated in those days. As the Evelyna Shivek [4, p. 95], about 10-12 thousand. Years ago first began to form defensive system. As an example, she cites Jericho - the city is rich in water with protective walls. Valuable observations concerning the author of the border needed to determine the area sacrum, which is necessary to protect the approaches: "He who presumes to violate the border, if one commits sacrilege. Even in ancient times, it was believed that the borders need divine protection because they defended himself Zeus. (...) This practice used by Slavs who marked their borders, planting trees along them, mostly fruit. (...) The same role boundary stone played" [4, p. 96].

Marcin Yahimovich writes "the border, often formed by stacking the relevant international treaties that define its length, or as a way to determine a specific segment of the border when the neighboring State directly determine its length. Less boundaries determined by arbitration judgments or decisions of international bodies "[5, p. 49].

In the literature, there are several definitions of the term. One of them is Witold Jan Lech "state border is a vertical surface passing through the closed boundary line separating the territory, dungeons and airspace of one country or from other areas draws" [6, p. 2].

Another definition says, "that's the line, and specifically, the plane, which is located within the territory of the State; separating it from the territory of another state which is not within its national jurisdiction "[7, p. 209].

Katarzyna Kozhuhovska notes that "the border and smuggling - these two concepts are closely related and dependent on each other. If there were no boundaries - there would be no smuggling and conversely, if not contraband - the concept of the border would have a much smaller dimension, that is, no longer need to protect the borders due to customs regulations. So long as customs borders exist, you cannot talk about complete eradication or taking full control of smuggling. Its intensity may vary, increase or decrease, depending on economic conditions, perseverance body set up to combat smuggling, and other factors. It can change in different forms, but never duties and restrictions in traffic did not lose his shadow, which is smuggling" [8, p. 364].

Andrzej Rachyk, Sylvia Dolzblash and Malgorzata Lyeshnyak-Johann claim that "state border is simultaneously social, political and discursive creations, not just statistical categories that are between states" [9, p. 14].

Jerzy Banskyy writing about political boundaries, points out that they play a significant role in the everyday life of each of us, because we live in a particular country which imposes on us certain rights and obligations [10, p. 493, 494], including the payment of taxes under the law, a variety of civil liberties and more.

Instead Zbigniew Rykyel indicates that the boundary determines the distance that extends the rule of the country. Developing this theme, the author adds: "From this perspective, every boundary is a political phenomenon, as there are no borders other than political" [11, p. 119]. It seems that this is the simplest and at the same time writing great delimitation of state, usually indicating that it is its vertical length in both directions. The length of the border towards the space was not defined at this time and it has no signed international agreements in this field.

In this sense, the term refers primarily borders between countries from outside the European Union. The above considerations show that, as the boundary and associated border area are interdisciplinary. They engaged historians, social and economic geography, representatives of economics, social scientists, and representatives of political science. Occasionally, cases related to border credited geography. However, it should be explained that the scope of research related to border and border who spend geographical science concerns the economic sector, including exports and imports, as well as migration. You can also venture to say that the border is a political barrier that aims to control migration, and recently limit circulation of goods and services.

Taking as starting point the definition of the border Z. Rykelya, you must also give it the concept that explains the concept of the state. The author notes that "modern state has clearly defined borders and territory that it contains" [11, p. 47]. Grzegorz Balyavayder implies: the existence of borders stems from the fact that this country was determined the specific area and the associated exclusivity of the people to respect the events and processes that occur there [12, p. 44].

It should be added that in the history and political science is problem with the delimitation and demarcation of borders, disputed territories or the consequences of such changes. Many authors when discussing the border issue as a matter of stability, pointing at the same time that in Europe the most stable and inviolable borders have not changed for over 400 years, Switzerland has. No less stable boundaries with Spain, Portugal or Spain from France.

Concerning of functions performed borders should be noted that in historical terms of their political importance was subject to constant change. To date still remains relevant function as border spatial barrier. It should be noted that the degree of isolation between neighbors depends primarily on mutual political relations. In this regard, many authors distinguishes three functions of borders, which, for example, Robert Farachik completed:

1) Disintegration that is in complete isolation from the outside world;

2) Fragment, characterized by varying degrees of openness on several factors;

3) Integration - the most friendly, especially for residents of the two neighboring countries, characterized by a high degree of openness and intensity of contacts in various spheres of socio-political and economic life [14, p. 12].

A similar division conducts Jerzy Banskyy [15, p. 501]. The classification is adopted him permeability of borders. His typology reduced to the following categories: open borders (internal borders of the European Union or Switzerland - Liechtenstein); partially penetrable and closed (North Korea and South Korea).

Andrzej Mishchuk notes that the evolution of the border can distinguish several stages: the boundaries of hostility; limits coexistence; border cooperation; limits interdependence. Simultaneously, the author stresses that detention for long periods of Phase hostility can disrupt all forms of implementing joint measures [16, p. 657].

It is clear that the quality of borders always contains an objective assessment because they depend on the assessment, for example, from a strategic or economic point of view. In one case, the boundary can be very good, the protection of the state, but unfavorable - from an economic point of view, for example, given the negligible potential transport of goods and people. Juzef Barbah gives examples of such situations, referring to ancient Egypt, where the desert were very good protective barrier, while providing isolation zone around the state [17, p. 61].

Assessing the geopolitical situation of contemporary Poland, one can argue that a "transit" country that creates huge opportunities for multi-vector European cooperation. It is also important that the Republic of Poland in 1991-1994. Has signed agreements with all its neighbors on good neighborhood and friendly cooperation. The first one was signed on 17 June 1991 the Federal Republic of Germany [18]. The second document was the agreement that initialed October 6, 1991 with the Czech Republic and Slovak Federal Republic. [19] The agreement with Russia was signed on 22 May 1992 [20]. In it, among other things, states that "The Parties recognize intact, existing between, border and confirmed that not one another any territorial claims, and will not put forward such claims in the future". [21]

A very important document was signed on 18 May 1992 with Ukraine - Agreement between the Republic of Poland and Ukraine on good-neighborliness, friendship and cooperation, signed in Warsaw [22, 23]. It's first article says: "In the new political environment Parties shall develop relations in a spirit of friendship, cooperation, mutual respect, understanding, trust and good neighborly relations based on international law, including the principles of sovereign equality, non-use of force or threat of force, inviolability of borders and territorial integrity peaceful settlement of disputes, non-interference in internal affairs, self-determination, respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, conscientiously fulfill obligations under international law" [23].

Agreement with Belarus was signed on 23 June 1992 [24], and recently signed an agreement with Lithuania, initialed 26 April 1994 [25]. A document also relates to the past and the conflict between the two countries after the First World War In addition - which is very important for Poles living in Lithuania and Lithuanians in Poland - Art. 14 stated that these persons have, among other things, the right to "freely use the minority language in private and public life; learn the language of their national minority and receive an education in that language; record their names as they sounded minority language "[25].

Arguably, the 90-ies of XX century Poland is determined on the basis of contracts borders with all its neighbors, and the additional factor of stabilization is the fact that Poland's eastern border is also the eastern border of the European Union and the Schengen area.

References

1.​ Traktat Francji z Austrią podpisano 17 października 1797 r. w Campo Formio. Na jego mocy Austria utraciła Lombardię.

2.​ Traktat pokojowy zawarty pomiędzy Francja i Austrią w 1801 r. w Lunéville.

3.​ Akt końcowy kongresu podpisany został 9 czerwca 1815 r. i kończył epokę napoleońską.

4.​ Siwek E., Znaczenie granic jako ograniczeń przestrzennych i wyznaczników tożsamości, "Studia Humanistyczne AGH", 2012, t. 11/2, s. 95.

5.​ Jachimowicz M., Nowe zasady odpowiedzialności za nielegalne przekroczenie granicy RP, "Prokuratura i Prawo", 2006, nr 5, s. 49.

6.​ Lech W. J., Sieć R-POINT. Założenia projektowe. Definicje, Wrocław 2013, s. 2.

7.​ Bierzanek R., Simonides J., Prawo międzynarodowe publiczne, Warszawa 2005, s. 209.

8.​ Kożuchowska K., Granica Państwowa - różne aspekty jej ochrony i współpracy organów do tego powołanych, "Monitor Prawa Celnego", 2000, nr 8, s. 364.

9.​ Raczyk A., Dołzbłasz S., Leśniak-Johann M., Relacje współpracy i konkurencji na pograniczu polsko-niemieckim, Wrocław 2012, s. 14.

10.​ Bański J., Granice w badaniach geograficznych - definicja i próby klasyfikacji, "Przegląd Geograficzny", 2010, nr 82, 4, s. 493, 494.

11.​ Rykiel Z., Podstawy geografii politycznej, Warszawa 2006, s. 119.

12.​ Balawejder G., Granica państwa jako kategoria wielowymiarowa, "Pogranicze. Polish Borderlands Studies", 2013, nr 1, s. 44.

13.​ Jak wynika z opisu obiektu dokonanego przez pracowników Wojewódzkiego Urzędu Ochrony Zbytków w Olsztynie, w 1545 r. Zygmunt August wyraził zgodę na rozpoczęcie prac związanych z wytyczeniem granicy przez polsko-litewską komisję. Pierwsze spotkanie odbyło się we wsi Bogusze, na styku trzech granic państwowych: Korony, Litwy i Prus, gdzie na trójstyku postawiono widoczny na zdjęciu słup graniczny.

14.​ Faracik R., Granice polityczne a turystyka - wzajemne relacje na wybranych przykładach z Europy, w: Rozwój turystyki kulturowej i przyrodniczej na pograniczu polsko-słowackim, Nowy Targ 2012, s. 12, 13.

15.​ Bański J., Granica w badaniach geograficznych - definicja i próby klasyfikacji, "Przegląd Geograficzny", 2010, t. 82, z. 4. s. 501.

16.​ Miszczuk A., Zewnętrzna granica Unii Europejskiej - Ukraina możliwości wykorzystania dla dynamizacji procesów rozwojowych, w: Ekspertyzy do Strategii Rozwoju Społeczno-Gospodarczego Polski Wschodniej do roku 2020, Warszawa 2007, s. 657.

17.​ Por. Barbar J., Geografia polityczna ogólna, Warszawa 1974, s. 61.

18.​ Traktat między Rzecząpospolitą Polską a Republiką Federalną Niemiec o dobrym sąsiedztwie i przyjaznej współpracy, podpisany w Bonn dnia 17 czerwca 1991 r. Dziennik Ustaw (Dz.U.) 1992 r. Nr 14, poz. 56.

19.​ Układ między Rzecząpospolitą Polską a Czeską i Słowacką Republiką Federacyjną o dobrym sąsiedztwie, solidarności i przyjacielskiej współpracy sporządzony w Krakowie dnia 6 października 1991 r. Dz.U. 1992 r. Nr 59, poz. 296.

20.​ Traktat między Rzecząpospolitą Polską a Federacją Rosyjską o przyjaznej i dobrosąsiedzkiej współpracy, sporządzony w Moskwie dnia 22 maja 1992 r. Dz.U. 1992, Nr 61, poz. 291.

21.​ Traktat między Rzecząpospolitą Polską a Federacją Rosyjską o przyjaznej i dobrosąsiedzkiej współpracy, sporządzony w Moskwie dnia 22 maja 1992 r. Dz.U. 1992, Nr 61, poz. 291 art. 2.

22.​ Traktat między Rzecząpospolitą Polską a Ukrainą o dobrym sąsiedztwie, przyjaznych stosunkach i współpracy, sporządzony w Warszawie dnia 18 maja 1992 r. Dz.U. 1993 r. Nr 125, poz. 573.

23.​ Traktat między Rzecząpospolitą Polską a Ukrainą o dobrym sąsiedztwie, przyjaznych stosunkach i współpracy, sporządzony w Warszawie dnia 18 maja 1992 r. Dz. U. 1993 r. Nr 125, poz. 574.

24.​ Traktat między Rzecząpospolitą Polską a Republiką Białoruś o dobrym sąsiedztwie i przyjaznej współpracy, podpisany w Warszawie dnia 23 czerwca 1992 r. Dz.U. 1993 r. Nr 118, poz. 527.

25.​ Traktat między Rzecząpospolitą Polską a Republiką Litewską o przyjaznych stosunkach i dobrosąsiedzkiej współpracy, sporządzony w Wilnie dnia 26 kwietnia 1994 r. Dz.U. 1995 r. Nr 15, poz. 71.

The influence of internal and external factors to the socio-political transformation of Kazakhstan

Oleksandr Vasylyev

SUMMARY

Іn this article рroblems of modernization of Kazakhstan are analyzed. The modern state, interdependеnce and prospects of its socio-political transformation in the framework of Eurasian Economic Union are considered.

Keywords: modernization, integration, transformation, social, political.

Practice independent existence of new independent states has shown that post-Soviet space is not the only economic field, and egocentrism and national pragmatism ruling elites have become the determining factor in relations between the CIS countries. Community space remains unstable and dangerous. By standing territorial and ethnic conflicts (Nagorno-Karabakh, Transnistria, Abkhazia, South Ossetia) are added to interstate conflicts (Azerbaijan - Armenia, Georgia - Russia, Uzbekistan - Tajikistan - Kyrgyzstan, Russia - Ukraine).

In the socio-political transformation of Kazakhstan internal and external factors play an important role and are diverse in nature. The most developed is the Eurasian integration project. In January 2015, Russia, Kazakhstan and Belarus announced the establishment of the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU). It is believed that the creation of such a Union will enable participants to integrate occupy a prominent place in the world to become one of the leaders of global growth, achieve success and prosperity. Social and political modernization of Kazakhstan needs to implement institutional reforms, the choice of forms of flexible combination of market mechanisms and instruments of state regulation of the economy and of modern civil society. Only in strict compliance with the priority tasks of social reforms can hope to create strong incentives for economic growth, technological upgrading and increasing production efficiency [2-4].

Kazakhstan is at the present stage of the integration project of the Eurasian Economic Union of negative economic background. The origins of the problems of the financial system are not only the devaluation of the ruble and reducing oil prices. The main reason is that virtually depleted basic economic paradigm, in which Kazakhstan has developed from the early period of independence. She rested on three bases: high prices for raw materials exports, foreign investment and foreign loans. This made it possible for the country to increase consumption, implement grandiose projects such as the transfer of the capital, many world congresses [3].

Commodity prices showed their volatility. Foreign investment declined, and hope that they will rise again, have no fundamental reasons. But the main thing is that with the accumulation of foreign investments in economy of Kazakhstan increases export revenue from them. Even before the crisis in 2007 export revenue was proportionate with the arrival of new investment, and today this ratio was negative. As for foreign loans, under the accumulated to 156 billion. Dollars external debt of Kazakhstan exported about 2 times more - 280 billion dollars. (According to official statements at the end of 2014). Now the balance of payments and exchange rate Tenge supported by revenues of the country's reserves, accumulated abroad in profitable years. This consumes 2.3 billion. Dollars per month from more than 100 bln. dollars reserves. Therefore, even if commodity prices rise, it will only be able for a time to support the economy, but do not repeat what has been successfully developed in the 2000s. Today, the rate of fixed capital in Kazakhstan is close to 30%. Industry represents over 51% of all investments. In particular, in the oil sector - 39.1%, or about 78% of all investments in the industry as a whole. The share of extractive industries in GDP does not exceed 20% and accounting for 39.1% of investments in fixed assets. For example, the following advanced industries like chemical, is about 0.5% of total investment; Engineering - less. All this demonstrates the need for thorough modernization of production facilities to ensure production of modern competitive products. Statistics shows that the implementation of recommendations to enhance the rate of refinancing of tight monetary and fiscal policy has not led to better quality growth. Priority should be not just fighting inflation, and determine the optimal level of inflation, stimulating economic growth and structural changes in the economy [2].

Modernization of the State, which is in the national interest requires the development of national socio-economic modernization of the country, a system of strategic planning and forecasting to study long-term trends of the country, taking into account external and internal factors. This requires a modern state governance structure to be optimal for the market economy. First, it is - an effective government able to implement the priority goals. It should focus on a limited number of priorities and implementation strategies to achieve these goals. In particular, it needs to be improved legislative and regulatory framework of the state, consistent support for social and political stability [2]. The effectiveness of the government should be based on three interrelated factors: its structural organization, strategic coordination, level of training. State management of complex systemic transformation of society and the economy also become systemic. The required effective and transparent system of government coordination. The results of its work should be accessible to all the accountable bodies [2].

For Kazakhstan have identified seven basic principles of the strategy of building national and local authorities:

1. Compact and professional government that will focus on the performance of a few of the most important functions.

2. Work program of action based strategies.

3. Well-established inter-agency coordination.

4. Increase the powers and responsibilities of ministers, their accountability and strategic control of their activities.

5. Decentralization within ministries, the center and the regions of the state to the private sector.

6. An effective fight against corruption.

7. Improving the system of hiring, training and promotion of staff.

As part of the exit strategy for the sustainable development path created institutional conditions for greater state involvement in the modernization of the national economy. In particular, organized fund "Kazyna", which aims to coordinate all development institutions to focus efforts aimed at implementing breakthrough projects of international importance. This will be achieved through the creation of new research centers to international standards and the intensification of the global market of high technologies to enhance scientific and technological level of production. Improving the diversification of Kazakhstan's economy is linked to the implementation of cluster initiatives designed to improve the competitiveness of domestic products in the domestic and foreign markets. For this purpose, adopted a number of strategic documents. In particular, the strategy for the development of transport complex of Kazakhstan Strategy of territorial development, the Concept creation of a regional financial center in Almaty, Kazakhstan concept of sustainable development, the Concept of socio-entrepreneurial corporations, etc. [4].

It is worth noting that Russia mainly carries out its activities in Kazakhstan from its own major energy companies: Gazprom, LUKOIL, Transneft and Rosneft. This factor allows Moscow to keep weight in Astana Russian interests and prevent domination of Beijing in the economy of Kazakhstan. First of all, it is about Caspian Pipeline Consortium (CPC) oil pipeline and "Pryirtyshsk - ATAC - Alashankou" and "Atyrau - Samara". In addition, the circulation of oil between Russia and Kazakhstan is carried out by the Caspian Sea route Aktau - Makhachkala. Stable partnership between Russia and Kazakhstan and supported in the gas sector. Two key existing pipelines - "Central Asia - Center" and "Bukhara-Ural" passing through the territory of Kazakhstan and the possible construction of the Caspian pipeline enable Gazprom to expand its resource base and ensure uninterrupted deliveries abroad. Russia wants to increase its presence in Kazakhstan in the nuclear industry, and investing in the development of electric power. For example, taking part in the project of reconstruction of the Ekibastuz GRES-2 acceding to two additional units. In addition, Russia is an important partner of Kazakhstan in military and space sectors. An example of this is the biggest deal for the supply of five Russian SAM S-300PS free of charge and cooperation Roscosmos and his Kazakh counterpart - Kazkosmosu [4].

In recent years China was competing with Russia for influence in Kazakhstan. According to the World Bank, over the past ten years, China's GDP has grown here over five times. China has a status of the second economy in the world after the United States. Increasing production requires more resources, making Beijing an important importer of raw materials, including energy. In the country for more than 20% of world consumption. Experts believe that in the next three decades, the growth of Chinese economy will slow down compared to the previous 30 years, but soon China will become the largest economy in the world, surpassing the United States. [3]

Regarding the interest of Beijing in Kazakhstan worth noting the desire of China to gain access to local mineral resources (oil, gas, uranium) and provide reliable transit of Turkmen gas. China is also interested in the development of Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region in the framework of regional cooperation, construction of highway and railway infrastructure. Beijing aims and the expansion of Chinese products in Kazakhstan. He plans to link Astana economic liabilities due to financial assistance and loans and deepen cultural ties, influence the formation of a new generation of Kazakh elite.

Furthermore, it is clear that China hopes to become a regular player in the promising Caspian oil projects. It provides strong financial support of Kazakhstan, according to the National Bank of the Republic, direct Chinese investment is approximately 3.5 times higher than Russia, which actually shows the dominance of China in this regard.

However, due to the growing influence of China in Central Asia, Kazakhstan noted growing concerns about the "China threat." Beijing launches strategy to improve its image, particularly using cultural and educational programs. Kazakhstan feared the possible dependence on Chinese imports and reduction of their goods industries such as textiles and footwear. Fierce competition between Chinese and Kazakh producers observed in local markets, where half of the turnover may soon be under the control of Chinese businessmen. [3]

Kazakhstan declares that creates raw material economy, based on which will be built in the future high-tech industry. Metallurgy and Petroleum industry remains the backbone of the country. Thus, from 1990 to 2014 oil production increased threefold, and metal - twice. This ensured the country a steady growth of 5% annually. Oil accounts for 55% of total exports of Kazakhstan, the metal - 14%. The share of manufactured goods is negligible. Export of Kazakhstan to Russia, despite its membership in the Customs Union is only 9% (exports of Moldova - 28%, Armenia - 19%). Difficulties in the economy caused no significant dependence on Russia, and the fact that Kazakhstan was in strong financial rope on the export of oil and metal. It was believed that failed to convert their resource potential in foreign investment, sustainable growth and friendly relations with the West, Russia and China simultaneously. However, today this desire can not be realized in practice. The Government of Kazakhstan is preparing for what the next five years the price of oil will be at 30-40 dollars a barrel; cheaper metals, reducing foreign investment and lower demand for Kazakh exports to Russia and China. Building a modern economy without a windfall from oil, is more difficult for Kazakhstan.

In the country, a key part of the modernization is orientation of the financial system on providing resources such priority areas of the economy, as industrial-innovative sector, small and medium business, agriculture, infrastructure, attracting foreign investors. For Kazakhstan, remote from major markets and virtually no direct access to major seaports, surely it is important to have equal access to the infrastructure of Russia and Belarus. Management believes that the country effectively overcome these challenges can be resolved within the framework of the Eurasian Economic Union formed [1]. In the future, a regional association must build the foundation for a large market with common rules to ensure economic growth and the welfare of citizens. Attracting investment from China for modernization requires flexible policy implementation, not to be irrevocably drawn into the sphere of influence of China.

Today, as part of the Foreign Policy Concept of the Republic of Kazakhstan for 2014-2020 years the main partner country is Russia. Thus, we can say that the Russian and Kazakh governments have strong enough ties and contribute to strengthening EEU.

References

1. Vasiliev O.A. Problems of transformation integration union of Russia and Belarus / O.A. Vasiliev // Foreign Affairs. - 2014. - №7. - P. 44-47.

2. Vasiliev O.A. The development of productive forces, science and technology as the main factor determining the socio-political transformation of modern states / O.A. Vasiliev // Foreign Affairs. - 2014. - №9. - P. 44-47.

3. Ignatieff P.M. The geopolitical and geoeconomic interests in world politics: a textbook. - Chernivtsi - Kyiv: Books - XXI. - 2014. - 364 p.

4. L.D. Chekalenko The foreign policy of Ukraine: Textbook / Under sciences. Ed. M.A. Kulinich. - K .: "LAT & K", 2015. - 477 p.

System History of Foreign Policy and Diplomacy XX-XXI centuries: the international political and institutional dimensions

Andriy Kudryachenko

Review: Pron S.V., Pron T.M., Tsivatyy V.G. International relations and foreign policy: the systematic history of 1914-2014 years / S.V. Pron, T.N. Pron, V.G. Tsivatyy. - 2nd ed., Ext. and revised. - Kyiv-Mykolaiv "Ilium", 2014. - 244 p. - ISBN 978-617-534-209-1

Under the neck of Ministry of education of Ukraine was published interuniversity educational and scientific publications (Diplomatic Academy of Ukraine, MFA of Ukraine and Petro Mohyla Black Sea State University) in the series textbooks and monographs new generation, namely S.V. Pron, T.N. Pron, V.G. Tsivatyy International relations and foreign policy: the systematic history of 1914-2014 years: a tutorial. - Kyiv-Mykolaiv "Ilium", 2014. - 244 p. ISBN 978-617-534-209-1.

Today among the main tasks of the Diplomatic Academy of the MFA of Ukraine as educational-methodical center of Ukrainian higher education in the field of the foreign policy and diplomatic profile - it is training a new generation of books, educational and scientific publications, textbooks and manuals, introduction of creative technology training of XXI century. The new edition should ensure a high level of global quality of students in the specialties of foreign policy and diplomatic profile.

Peer-reviewed publications of authors is original, modern and relevant teaching and scientific research, which analyzed and systematically outlined the origins and the real state of international relations, foreign policy and diplomacy of the XX-XXI centuries as an important part of the evolution and transformation of political and diplomatic systems and international relations globalized world. The main conclusions made by results of a scientific analysis of documents Ukrainian and foreign archives, materials, domestic and foreign periodicals, publications Ukrainian diaspora.

Its main purpose is to teach the thoughtful reader to navigate the trends of modern international political, geopolitical and global processes, and to help understand the driving factors influencing the political, diplomatic or economic activity of the state actors as on the world stage, and in within a geographically defined international political regions.

This issue provides comprehensive information on issues of foreign policy and diplomacy of the world's largest, analyzes the fundamental problems of international relations in the XX-XXI centuries, linked to their economic, institutional, socio-cultural, diplomatic and political development in the period of globalization and integration processes in distribution world. The book is aimed at solving such fundamental research challenges: learning features geopolitical and institutional environment of different regions and countries; national interests of the great powers; analysis of the characteristics of the institutional, administrative, foreign, diplomatic and foreign economic activity leading regional countries to implement national goals and strategic development programs in the defined geographical area; familiarization with current global challenges that require collective solutions and make informed joint decisions.

Peer-reviewed isue contains the necessary materials to study the course of world history, political science, international relations, foreign policy and diplomacy said chronological period.

The authors explore the features of international relations and diplomacy before and during the First World War (Chapter II, pp. 18-26); problems of postwar peace settlement and the dominant characteristics and problems of international relations Versailles (Section III, pp. 27-32); international relations and foreign policy during the global economic crisis (1929-1933 biennium.) (Section V, pp. 38-44); international relations and foreign policy before and during World War II (Section IX, pp. 74-80); priorities and principles for staffing the US Foreign Service (Chapter XVII, pp. 169-178) and others.

The introduction states that "this book - an attempt through the lens system to learn history, explore, understand international relations and foreign policy of the modern world. Consistency is not only chronologically weighted presentation of factual material, but also to illustrate the logic driving forces of world politics, their strengths, weaknesses and contradictions, which generally show that international relations - complex but a single organism with all its historical components (p. 9)."

During the long history of the individual states and regions as a whole often acted as independent players not only at national level but also internationally. However, it is late XX - early XXI century have been paying particular attention to their role in international affairs, foreign policy and diplomacy. Therefore, the individual sections of this publication is devoted to the aforementioned problem (Section XIV, XV, XIX).

The aim of the book is a comprehensive account of the history and current state of political and diplomatic systems and international relations from the standpoint of modern scientific development and opportunities in the context of consideration of historical experience in the institutional development of modern states and their political and diplomatic systems globalized space.

In general, the inquisitive reader was in possession of a reasoned and meaningful, measured in scientific, theoretical, and methodical plan and issued a high-level printing publishing house "Ilium" scientific book. We hope that the peer-reviewed publication will interest students of international students and students of the Diplomatic Academy of Ukraine at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, will help them better understand the present, based on historical examples presented in the course "Political Science International Relations", "History of International Relations", "Comparative history, theory and practice of diplomacy", "Diplomacy of foreign countries", "Global diplomacy" and others.

From the pages of this book the reader, in particular, can learn about the Polish-Ukrainian territorial problem in international relations end of World War II; especially the formation and implementation of key international relations and US foreign policy; European political history of the 1990s and its place in international relations; Public diplomacy Poland XXI century; main scientific achievements and problems of mankind twentieth century; Asia Pacific, Japan, China in cultural and historical community; Meeting diplomacy during the Second World War and many other interesting historical and political event and educational material. The publication can be found explanation socio-cultural transformation of China from the isolated Asian country into one of the economic leaders of the world, to see how it embody a US foreign policy on different continents.

Peer-reviewed work, written in sufficiently high theoretical and methodological level, will be interesting for scientists, professional politicians, diplomats and analysts in the field of foreign relations, teachers and students. Lucky find publications are offered to the reader section: "International relations and foreign policy in aphorisms (state, law, politics, diplomacy, history, national characteristics)" (p. 215-219). We hope that the peer-reviewed work will be useful for civil servants and diplomats, public figures, which with interest acquainted with expanded information on geo-economic and geopolitical interests of states in the modern globalized world.

We wish authors to continue for the next edition of chronology, since 2015 was quite rich in political, diplomatic, social and cultural events that are worth analyzing and enter the systemic context of world events, the evolution of political and diplomatic systems and configuration of international relations. In addition, beginning in 2016 has set us many issues that need urgent political thinking and the tactical and strategic decision. So, probably, is to heed the final words of the authors of peer-reviewed books emphasize that "... the publication will be useful and will contribute to a good cause - awareness, study and practical application of lessons - taking as a basis and mastering system history - errors, achievements, experience of international relations , foreign policy and diplomacy of the XX - XXI centuries. Good luck!" (p. 221).

Of course, in the book it paid attention to many outstanding historical events and facts in the life of mankind. Read this research is quite easy - the scientific material contained very colorful language that allows you to perfectly absorb the contents of the book as specialists in international affairs, and those who wish to better navigate the complex processes of geopolitical, geostrategic, geo-diplomatic and geo-economic changes in world politics and diplomacy of our time.