Досягнуті успіхи Європейського Союзу підтверджують життєдайність ідеї європейської інтеграції, доводять високий рівень утвореної інтеграційної системи впорядкування. Інтеграція по-європейськи дійсно є вінцем попереднього політичного, економічного та соціального розвитку Західної Європи.

№12 / 2016
27.03.2017, 22:45

Preservation of cultural sovereignty of Canada as a means of ensuring national unity

Maryna Bessonova

Summary

There is proposed an overview of the main areas of Canada's policies in the field of promotion of the cultural sovereignty of the country. The main dimensions of this policy is state regulation of broadcasting policy, support of bilingualism, "Canadian content" and Canada's cultural diversity within multiculturalism politics, the promotion of Canadian cultural industries and so on. One of the current trends in this policy is the usage of innovation in digital technologies and the involvement of the civil society into discussion of main topical issues of Canada's broadcasting.Keywords: cultural sovereignty, Canada, Canadian content. Preservation of cultural uniqueness and diversity in the context of globalization, when the world becomes more uniform, is one of the urgent problems of modern states. In the era of homogeneous distribution of cultural and political values support the cultural identity of the country is not only a means of protecting national culture and identity, but also the basis for national unity. An example of Canadian with its bilingualism and the danger of "cultural takeover" by the neighboring United States is important and urgent to study in Ukraine. American cultural influence today is a problem not only for Canadian society. A notable phenomenon of modern mass culture was westernization of the world for the "American model." As we know, Canada is a feature that, in addition to the presence of two major ethnic groups ("anglophone" and "francophones"), each of which tries to defend its own identity, an important influence on the development of culture with the neighboring United States. Therefore, the support and protection of Canada's cultural sovereignty at the state level aimed at ensuring national unity inside the state (creation of equal conditions for preservation and development of different languages ​​and cultures within the policy of multiculturalism) and outside (protection of Canadian cultural sovereignty in the context of forced resistance to American mass culture). A key role in this context plays a system of communication and broadcasting. The legislation first steps to secure communications within Canada were made back in the late nineteenth century. It was the Telegraph Act 1852, construction of the first transatlantic link between Ireland and Newfoundland in 1866, the formation of "Bell Telephone Company" in 1880 In 1905, in connection with the development of radio was taken The law on radio and telegraph, which was the first Canadian legislation on wireless, and in 1913 its jurisdiction was transferred and radiotelephone sector. From 1918 introduced an experimental license to broadcast radio station [1; s.299]. Due to the emergence of a number of private radio stations since 1920. Gained its relevance issue of protecting Canadian air from neighboring US. Note that the increasing presence of US programs broadcast by Canadian radio stations, triggered a lengthy debate about cultural identity in Canada. This was due to the fact that Canadian private radio stations faced problems of competition for the listeners to American radio stations, because the latter had more popularity [2]. In 1923 an amendment was made to the Law on Radio and Telegraph in 1905 that gave the right to obtain licenses to broadcast in Canada, only British nationals [1, c.300]. This measure was intended to prevent the use by Americans of Canadian radio. In addition, since 1928 the Royal Commission was established to advise on the future of broadcasting in Canada. It happened from the time of formation of the national Canadian broadcasting system. Thus, the official website of the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (Canadian Broadcasting Corporation CBC, then - CBS C) noted that the launch of the national broadcasting was due to the need to provide "a Canadian presence on the radio to counter American influence and protect Canadian culture" [2]. In 1929 it was decided to establish a state-owned company, which was broadcasting care across Canada. Since work began a series of committees that are responsible for the organization of national broadcasting and adopted and improved laws governing this area. Thus, in 1936 was created the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation, which became the first state national public broadcaster in Canada. Later, in 1952, with the beginning of television broadcasts exactly it was already mentioned above CBS Sea, which operates to this day. Its purpose was to ensure the preparation and translation of its products, programs and regulation of Canadian radio and television, which were issued by private stations [1, c.300]. The main role in the processes of state regulation of speech and protection of Canadian cultural products played a few institutions. At first it was CNN, the BBC, which combines the functions of language and regulatory, which caused dissatisfaction of the private sector in the broadcast media. In 1958, according to the Broadcasting Act, the Governing Council was established broadcast, which received the right to set rules to ensure priority Canadian programs aired by national and private companies. The mandate of this Council include encouraging greater use of "Canadian talent" and support national character broadcasting system. In 1968, when it was adopted a new law on broadcasting, broadcast Governing Council replaced the Commission on radio and television. Since 1976, due to the expansion of its powers (added oversight of the telecommunications systems), it was named the Canadian Commission for Radio, Television and Telecommunications, which operates to this day. The said committee was to regulate all forms of related teleradiotranslation, as well as telecommunications companies. Broadcasting Act 1968 reflect the policies of bilingualism and multiculturalism in Canada, because it broadcast in English and French was approved as a form of preservation of Canadian cultural specificity. Note that the question of French repeatedly became the center of attention in Canada. For example, in 1985 the results of a specially formed Federal Provincial Committee on the future of French-language television had prepared a special report, which recommended that recognize the specificity of the French-speaking part within the Canadian broadcasting system. In the same year published another report prepared by the Canadian Commission on radio, television and telecommunications, on "policy speech that reflects the linguistic and cultural diversity of Canada" [3]. Thus bilingualism in Canadian broadcasting system finally established. In 1991 were adopted amendments to the Broadcasting Act 1968, which stressed the importance of bilingualism, cultural diversity and the special place of Aboriginal people in Canadian society, and placed emphasis on ensuring equal rights of women, indigenous people and minorities. In 1993, the Law on Telecommunications, which stressed that the relationship has "an important role in maintaining Canada's identity and sovereignty" [4, p.4]. It should be noted that the public policy of Canada in the field of broadcasting initially contained two main components: the "protectionist" - to support Canadian private and national companies in their competition with US companies, and "cultural" - contribute to filling Canadian broadcast their own cultural products ("Canadian content"). However, during the twentieth century in this policy can highlight certain conditional periods:- In the 1920s - mid 1950s. This policy was largely in support of Canadian broadcasters opposed the entry of US companies to Canada language space;- From the late 1950s. To the fore the issue of "Canadian content" and maintain their own cultural products;- In the context of globalization, these components added measures to take account of modern innovations in the system of mass communication [1, c.300-303]. Since the mid 1990s in the context of the transition to an information society in Canada (which is regulated by a number of government initiatives) were asked to build the so-called Canadian information highway. Among the main problems associated with the implementation of this plan, it was supposed, providing conditions for competition and regulation, which would correspond to the public interest; promote innovation, investment and development of new services; job creation; the realization of economic and social benefits for all Canadians, enabling them to personally participate in the formation of information society and more. It should be noted that the emphasis placed on the need to increase Canadian content, promote national dialogue and reinforce Canadian sovereignty and cultural identity. So in the late 1990s - early 2000s. state regulation concerned not so much "Canadian content" and ensure Canada's identity as innovation in communications. In 1999 was made the first adjustment related to the Internet. So Canada was created one of the most advanced telecommunications systems and language that was the result of coordinated actions aimed at overcoming distances and geographical conditions that divide Canadians. One of the priorities of Canada's domestic policy in this area was the most strengthening Canadian sovereignty and Canadian cultural identity. We can quote the words of Chairman of the Standing Committee on Canadian Heritage, Clifford Lincoln (held the post in 1997-2004.) "Broadcasting system is vital to our lives as Canadians. It reflects our way of life and meaning, it connects us as people and citizens, and it opens us to other people and peoples of the world. For a country of enormous size and distances speech is the main link to us and hearing our voice "[5, p.618]. He initiated a collective report with the eloquent title "Our Cultural Sovereignty: The Second Century of Canadian Broadcasting" (2003) [5], which identified the main components of the state policy in this area. It should be noted that the state policy in this area is aimed not only at protecting Canada's national sovereignty, but also on the coordinated action of the state, private sector and civil society organizations that underpin national unity. Thus, one of the latest trends of state policy in the field of broadcasting and preserving the cultural sovereignty of Canada is focusing on local communities and all Canadians access to high-quality local news. For example, in the summer of 2016 adopted the principles of the new policy of local television, which is recommended to take into account the importance of local news, the need for funding in this area, to ensure continued access to the Canadian broadcasting system through new digital technologies. Preservation of cultural sovereignty of Canada provided through institutional structures that special. One of them is the Ministry of Canadian Heritage, founded in 1993, is responsible for the preservation, maintenance and development of art, culture, media, telecommunications, official languages ​​and the rights of women, sport and multiculturalism. [6] The activities of the Ministry aimed at creating conditions to support Canadian identity and values, cultural development and cultural heritage of Canada. The main directions of the ministry include the following: funding for various programs and projects aimed at supporting culture, history, heritage, official languages ​​and sport; organization of celebrations dedicated to memorable events from the history of Canada; popularization of information on national symbols of Canada, its history, polity; access to cultural heritage sites and ensure their conservation and study; development of cultural policies in Canada; support of national museums, archives and libraries; work with immigrants for their rapid adaptation to the new society. [7] Ministry tries to meet modern trends: its current activities covered in detail on the official site. Among the latest measures include Launched in September 2016 the project "Canadian content in the digital world" aimed at strengthening the position of Canadian culture in an era of globalization. Initiator of the project - now the acting Minister of Canadian Heritage Melanie Joly - declared the joint efforts of the community and the Canadian government. Therefore, based on the new project - advice and develop effective tools to ensure an innovative Canadian cultural segment [8]. The main subject of discussion is mass culture, such as information and entertainment content presented on television, radio, cinema, in digital media, video games, music, books, newspapers and magazines. Compliance with the terms of the new requirements of Canadian culture era of digital technology is rated as one of the dimensions of well-being of Canada. It should be noted that Canadians perceive the issue of support of their culture and Canadian content not only from the standpoint of pure culture. Many documents and materials on this topic clearly apparent economic component. For example, the sphere of culture is seen not only as important for the dissemination of Canadian culture, but also in the context of creating jobs and attracting investment from outside. In general, we should recognize that Canadian public policy to support the cultural sovereignty of Canada, is a difficult and complex. It involves a number of interrelated measures aimed not only at creating favorable conditions for the development of Canadian culture and its dissemination through various channels of modern broadcasting. An important role is played by the Canadian content policy, which began in 1929 with the conclusion of the Royal Commission on Broadcasting that "Canadian audience in need of Canadian broadcasting," went on all twentieth century and remains the main focus of public policy for the protection of cultural sovereignty and in the mid-2010's. One characteristic of recent years have been striving to take into account the latest trends - namely, the use of modern means of mass communication and innovation to preserve Canadian culture and dissemination of its achievements on outside Canada.

References

1. Bessonova M.M. Policy support its cultural product: Canadian content and experience to Ukraine / M.M. Bessonova // Proceedings of the Faculty of History News. - Volume XXXI. - Zaporozhye: News, 2011. - P. 299-304.2. Our History [Електронний ресурс] - Режим доступу: www.cbc.radio-canada.ca<wbr>/en/explore/our-history/3. Canadian Broadcasting Chronology [Електронний ресурс] - Режим доступу: www.parl.gc.ca4. Telecommunications Act 1993 [Електронний ресурс] - Режим доступу: laws-lois.justice.gc.ca<wbr>/PDF/T-3.4.pdf5. Our Cultural Sovereignty: The Second Century of Canadian Broadcasting [Електронний ресурс] - Режим доступу: www.parl.gc.ca/content/<wbr>hoc/Committee/372/HERI/<wbr>Reports/RP1032284/herirp02/<wbr>herirp02-e.pdf6. Department of Canadian Heritage Act [Електронний ресурс] - Режим доступу: www.canlii.org/en/ca/<wbr>laws/stat/sc-1995-c-11/latest/<wbr>sc-1995-c-11.html7. Canadian Heritage [Електронний ресурс] - Режим доступу: https://www.canada.ca/en/canad<wbr>ian-heritage.html8. Strengthening Canadian content creation, discovery and export in a digital world [Електронний ресурс] - Режим доступу: https://www.canada.ca/en/<wbr>services/culture/<wbr>consultations/pre-<wbr>consultation.html

 

Current challenges for the Ukrainian Europeanness

Dariush Voyakovskyy

Summary

The biggest geopolitical challenge of sovereign Ukraine is and will long be a problem finding a balance between East and West. The political and intellectual dimensions of Ukraine have a European orientation. However, there is a geopolitical vein Russia's desire to maintain its influence.Key words: Ukraine, Europe, Russia, discourse, ethnicity, nation, concept Practice and problems of Ukrainian state is very closely related to the understanding and discourse of ethnicity Europeanness. It seems that the general public is at the level of discourse, and above all scientific discourse is now the front of the struggle for the definition of Ukrainian ethnicity. It is not at the same time to provide the specific content of Ukrainian identity, and, above all, whether the future Ukrainian idea itself forms will gain inherent concepts of Western European people or projects, formulated in Russia. First, we note that the many theories on the concept deserves particular attention Mikhail Bakhtin, indicating the mechanisms that hold the discursive nature of texts and language in general - the decentralized power events and centralizing tendencies of our understanding. According to Bakhtin, the actual social environment is multilingual, and the forces of centralization and integration based on the concept of a monolithic speech, which "is never something this always postulate is in every moment of life speech in opposition to the real languages variety" [1 , with. 95]. This concept not only underlines the tension between social practices and text (word), but also points to the existence of voltage in most practices and words. This analysis focuses on the search for new planes social experience with the Ukrainian nation in modern texts of public space, Internet resources, nonfiction materials and scientific works. This means that the correlation point for the concept of the Ukrainian people are not only in Ukrainian society, but also outside of it: it is Western and Russian concepts of nation and ethnicity, formulated Ukrainian literature. The Western concept of nation An important turning point in the discourse that takes place around the nation, brought 80 years and the emergence of works of Benedict Anderson [2] and Ernest Gellner [3]. Those works and theories concerning the genesis of the people and are seen as a complete expression of opposition views describing ethnicity within the western scientific discourse. Position of Gellner defined as statistical as well as cultural Anderson. The only justification for this terminology is that E. Gellner sees people as a result of social and cultural processes associated with the development of industrial society and specifically to the activities of a modern state. B. Anderson instead describes people as culturally conditioned public perception of the scheme, which was formed on the basis of previous ideas and new social and cultural change. In practice, one of the authors devote much attention to the national culture, which is a direct correlation point for national submissions, and the second does not give up the definition of the nation through the prism of political sovereignty. Yet it appears that differences in the description of the people by the authors are not confined only to the problems of its genesis. The keys to the description may be a metaphor of the production facility and newspaper reader (similar to the appeals available in the works Gellner and Anderson). Gellner people first described as a product of industrialization. Its existence is caused by objective implied by this process - as what car plant produces cars. Objectivity production process legitimizes the naturalness of the product - hence the popular comparison of the same author's lack of national identity with the loss of shade. This product is massive on the other hand, each plant (or current state) has no exclusivity on the market. So people are similar products that are widely used, but have their own "brand." It seems that Gellner recognizes arbitrary selected "brand" (possession of a definite nationality), assuming still that in modern times people are a product without which one can not do, they are necessary. Even analyzing the mechanisms of choice "brand" (the creation of a new state), it suggests that the choice of ethnicity is not random, but arises from certain social plexus due. Described Gellner example of the collapse of "megalomania" also shows how, unlike many car ownership opportunities, can have only one people that implicitly seen as the result of dividing the actual "market" plants-states. In Anderson being of the people is the same as reading newspapers - the most important plays of the individual attachment to certain ideological profile (as people imagined community). Just like a newspaper gets faithful readers, and people fix their inter-subjective existence as by strengthening the reader some reading skills, pleasing those skills and adapting to their tastes changing. The people in this case is perceived more flexibly. In the applied Anderson term problems are accentuated Gellner factors that form a picture of the people (editors and printers) and socio-cultural processes of modernization of society (production), and problem is less significant for understanding people. Thus, although the newspaper is also a product, and in relation to the vehicle or clothing, it is more symbolic (not paper, and message content) than the "objective" product. Reading newspapers is not necessary - it is extremely appreciated and socially desirable behavior. You can read many newspapers, although only one considered "their", be it regular reader. You can also radically change the preferences and identified with another newspaper, but that's innermost thoughts consequences assumptions Anderson, because he does not devote special attention to this problem. His rather interested occurrence and duration of models of behavior in a different time and place. Resonance of differences begins noticed in the 90 years of the twentieth century. Then dichotomy discourse of ethnicity and nation continues in new robes, as defined dispute of instrumentalism [4]. Now nevertheless difficult to describe the theoretical position, knowing that was more prymordializm look, constructed his opponents with reliance on questionable interpretation of certain previous works. However, the presence of those positions is significant. Jacques Eller and Reed Kouhlan substantially pointed differences of opinion Gellner and Anderson, who previously were not explained. So prymordializm in its purest form, created by the researchers, suggests:1) a priori identity and attachment, defined as "primordial" that "... there is evidence a priori, primary, ahead of any experience and interactions";2) ineffability "prymordilnyh" taste, which "... can not be analyzed in correlation with social interaction";3) affective, that the taking into account especially the emotional side of communication and feelings as "primordial." Instrumentalism also focuses on the variability of ethnicity, its dependence on the actions of individuals and on the premise that people (and people) can create, modify, shape, and change their ethnic postscript to influence events and environments It seems that the tension between the area in which ethnicity/nation is "data", so always situational and how is always an essential feature of scientific discourse. Along with these discussions at that time there alternate proposals interpretation of national issues. The radical solution is the negation of meaning or people in general and in its "modernist" version. Postmodernism, because this current bind these proposals, states: "The borders and national identity mix. Each is a tourist, immigrant, refugee or exile migrant workers, moving from one part of the world to another. The new global cultural economy of emerging new technologies, variable monetary systems and mass-media paintings that swim across national borders. "Ethnic borders is a political manipulation, a function that is not true. But the reality - a global ekumena, which made transnational migration, like Ulf Hannerza or as a completely new ethnoscapes, describing Ar'yun Appaduray. The answer to postmodernism theory is Michael Billiha [5]. Banal nationalism - is desakralizovana, daily and weakly explicate form of attachment to ethnicity. Weak "visibility" of nationalism does not imply, however, its weakness. Due to its spread in the mass daily routine he has a great reproductive capacity. So every moment he can activate a broad population. This happens primarily due deixis people, which is not only an understanding of home and homeland, but, above all, the category of "we." Thus, the boundaries are - is ethnic boundaries that separate "us" from "other". They always used, often spontaneously. Perhaps they are primordial and acquired and those that can be constantly manipulated, but the West penchant for ethnic separation generally available. In many parts of the work appeals to the mindset B. Anderson that sharp controversy addressed to those who deny ethnicity, not attributed to it above. Many-scientific stories of the people are an embarrassment to the traditional perception of science. Diversity is often interpreted as a consequence of ideological researchers with different views. This argument is used in polemics are you most authors. Instrumentalism describes itself as an ideological rejection prymordializmu, postmodernism discusses categories of people in general, and Billing argues with postmodernism. Correctly interpreting the views of discourse is an attractive alternative, although it does not solve all doubts on differences in the interpretation of the people and does not intend to liquidate. The practical application of this polyphony evidence that within a society may be many others, even controversial interpretational projects, describing the relationship of the individual with social totality. Thus, the approval of the diversity of forms and ethnicity of the people can recognize specific feature of national discourse in the West. Ukrainian perception of Western theoriesHow those views are transferred to the Ukrainian science? A. Suprunenko, for example, argues that "Ukraine goes through current and stabilize its scientific picture of the world" [6, p. 138]. This would mean that in the academic discourse and everyday (banal) interpretative practices appear not only Bahtinivski differentiating force (riznomovnist), but centralizing and integrating. None of the forces should not and can not obtain exclusivity in the discourses of people. The existence of the centralizing forces nevertheless authorizes the creation of beliefs about the possibility of mutual understanding, regardless of the actual public riznomovnosti. Scientific discourse in Ukraine, in fact, should be one of the significant factors that integrate a set of social discourses against the Ukrainian people. The argument of this thesis is at least A. Giddens thought that social sciences are "institutionalized reflexion" [7, p. 4], which provides participants with social life appropriate tools for understanding the problem. Ukrainian sociological theory people were analyzed Alla Karnaukh [8]. She drew attention to two important, in my view, elements of Ukrainian Sociology: addictive modern Ukrainian Research on Western concepts of the people and the problem of distinguishing between the terms "nation" and "people." Summing academic discourse, it cites G. Kasyanov thesis: "Theoretical and empirical research" Ukrainian version of "formation and development of nation and nationalism and generalization of the findings, which were formulated with reliance on the experience of certain European schools. But the similarities can be explained as "secondary importance" (lateness) Ukrainian nationalism regarding European nations, the peoples of the past." According Karnaukh considerations Ukrainian researchers remain within Western theories. It seems that not only actually mentioned in this analysis, researchers are guided to adapt to today's Ukrainian experience of Western categories. J. Hrycak explicite refers to the concept of B. Anderson, indicates the acceptance of such a perspective as to avoid errors and Ukrainian historiography to describe the creation of the Ukrainian people. However, using such a prospect in the analysis of the Ukrainian people, there is the problem of dualism national processes. "National solidarity Ukrainian masses in Galicia - writes Yekelchuk - nevertheless remained ambivalent clear contrast on national and social self-determination in part of Ukraine, which ruled the Russians." The author points out that the weakness and the beginning of the twentieth century was marked at the end of the century, when the main reason for the creation of an independent state was the collapse of the USSR and understanding elites - and communist opposition. According to J. Gritsak in present day discourse in Ukrainian erased two "national idea" - Ukrainian and Soviet, and their popularity geographically decomposed by east-west division. That division is superimposed on the differences seen in the quantitative data that underscore this duality of society. They are religious differences, language that are completely suited to the model Huntington clash of Western and Russian civilizations on the border line of pre-war Poland and the USSR.Some scholars interpret that duality as a fundamental sign of Ukrainian society. Others emphasize the complex, but not necessarily dichotomous or dualistic image of Ukraine. It is controversial because common heritage of the former Soviet Union is that there will not arise "group identity." Natalia Chernish suggests that the same essential as divisions, a factor that differentiates national and civic identity, is the age of the subjects, but the range of choice of social identity is much broader than the choice between Ukrainian / Russian / Soviet man. In the view of J. Gritsak, case studies rather point to the fact that "the formation of Ukrainian identity is, however, a problem in Ukraine, but the problem is not the most important. Just on the contrary, one could argue that with all the problems that Ukraine has experienced in the last 10-15 years, maintaining national stability against major regional and linguistic and cultural division is presented as a problem that is exposed to the best regulation" [91].The conclusion from this is, however, that the dualism of political discourse has as its counterpart in the discourse of identity, because there are studies and interpretations that emphasize the relative unity or identity processes in Ukraine, whether fatal difference Ukrainian identities. This may be related to the general theory of people in Ukraine, regardless of the popularity of the western position, retains the duality of categories that describe national group - the people and the nation. Following the concept of Bakhtin, centralizing power tool is language. The use of certain categories of language - spoken and academic - can make closer Ukrainian discourses or the Western way of thinking, or Russian. Earlier examples demonstrate the elements of discourse, which focus on centralization at the Western categories. The concept connects people and nations Ukrainian opinion of Russian tradition. In this connection draws attention A. Karnaukh but before he noticed Vladimir Pavlyuchuk in the context of ideas Euroasia Lev Gumilev. As noted by A. Karnaukh Ukrainian authors are well aware of the theory of Gumilev, but not willing to use it. Perhaps this is due to its use in modern Russian sociology. Roman Kis takes the idea that labor Dugin, Plyeshkova and others. - Is the foundation of "revanchist, imperial policy of the Kremlin," which is "fundamentally anti-Western," while arguing that euroasia "filled with thoughts of the heart, daily communications and life of tens of millions in the cities and villages of Ukraine." However this explains the antipathy to the Ukrainian researchers and the recognition of abstract theory V. Pavlyuchuka who say that Eastern schemes of perception national perspective is not alien to the current experience of the Ukrainian people. Russian theory of the nation and peopleModern Russian version of category L. Gumilev Alexander Dugin suggests [10]. Of course, the basis of ethnicity is as "organic, live set," which transferred to the reasoning of the author of that ethos is connected with morality and spiritual sphere. For the purpose of this analysis is the key, however, Dugin accommodation in theory category of the people and the nation. According to him, "people - this ethnic group, who went down in history." This nation is a product composed of different social strata (elite and mass), which emerged as a result of the benefits of one ethnic group over other ethnic groups. However, people covering an ethnic group, having still own properties which are not in the ethnos. Then Alexander Dugin argues that "the people, revealing a historical phenomenon, be sure to gaining these forms - the state religion, civilization. Those forms can act independently ... but can also act together or in any configuration. Presence allows society as people move from one form to another. It guarantees people by forms of strength, continuity and reality." Thus, people retains essential properties of primordial life, which was endowed with ethnicity. In addition, he is an active subject of history that gives meaning to their forms. Those views are very clearly visible in another work A. Dugin devoted euroasia. In it, he refers to the specific situation of ethnic and "Russian" people breaking theoretical attempt to justify political claims of modern influences to restore the former Soviet Union. Views of the author pointed already quoted this imperial bar Robert Kis. The term "nation" refers to phenomena that do not have such avtotelichnoyi weight. "Nation - says Alexander Dugin - is a political concept, is inextricably linked with the state, even with a particular state - the current European, modernist bourgeois state." It is, however, one of the fundamental theories of Alexander Dugin categories, which is a derivative of ethnicity and built for people, but it is qualitatively different from it, given its complexity. Since people conceals ethnicity, as nation conceals "his facade of" the people. Interestingly, this established objective "structure" ethnic categories Alexander Dugin serves for clarification of disputes between prymordializm and constructivism in Western sociology. Ethnicity as a spiritual being and the nation as a historical existence should be described in the primordial categories (although the author recognizes that certain elements are people). Western nations as to describe the product only in constructivist categories, which - just as instrumentalism - not adequate to describe the strong ethnic categories. Ukraine between Europe and EurasiaWhether similar understanding of the Ukrainian nation and people? Even at a simple reflection on the current situation in Ukraine could cast doubt on the idea that the Eurasian project is fully accepted "tens of millions" of residents of Ukraine. In this situation, the current picture of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict would look somewhat different and strongly in favor of Ukraine. Perhaps the direct application of the n circuits is the same source of misunderstanding national problems in Ukraine, as well as the introduction of western projects. In academic discourse Ukrainian people use concepts and nation is different than in Alexander Dugin. In fact, all the already mentioned authors believe that this is almost equivalent terms. A. Karnaukh analyzing the views of several reputable Ukrainian authors, said: "The Ukrainian language in formal and less formal situations in everyday speech, is in a Definitional chaos: to determine the Ukrainian ethnic group as the concept of nation often used instead to highlight all citizens - Ukrainian people ". [8] The author also refers to the Constitution of Ukraine, in which "Ukrainian nation" and "Ukrainian people" appear one after the other in the preamble. But she admits she solve this problem taken V. Pavlyuchukom. This author argues that people respect "nation means more or less the same, but that concept is used when referring to aim to extract the active aspect of people fighting for their own state." Quite a long argument on S. Yekelchuka nations have to show not only the value differences of the term (although the author interprets it so), and placing it in the context of statistical and cultural understanding of the people. Associating with the cultural nation concept, it holds that category within the core of his time Western discourse. An important element of academic discourse is textbooks. They are intermediaries between academic people and individual interpretation projects. In case of proven Ukrainian Ministry of Education textbooks on two levels and can afford Kyiv on comparing categories that interest us, with the ever definitions. In "Principles of Sociology" Eugenia Tikhomirov (Rivne/Lutsk) does not show the concept of the people, but only ethnic group and nation. While it takes the concept of Gumilev, but also points out that other authors say: "... ethnicity as a nation - is exclusively social phenomena." Description of the nation is a classic representation of the people of Western theories. Instead, more commonly described Ukrainian tradition of understanding of the nation, which is still based on typical features of Western perceptions of the people's political awareness, cultural specifics and owned by the state. The second tutorial that edited Vladimir Pichai, a character dictionary, and it appears three terms. Ethnicity, however, as "a special type of community of people who historically faced is the specific form of their collective existence." The basis of the community is the language, religion and identity, and forms - nationality and nation. Description This category combines certain elements of understanding of ethnic and ethnicity, perceived or as an identity or a cultural characteristics of the group. "The people" has two meanings: wide - is "all the inhabitants of the country or state. In the narrow sense of the people can speak as a separate ethnic group." However, the detailed description of the maintenance there already famous work of Alexander Dugin, such as its skladenist from different social strata, but the concept is rather artificial look (not shown in the description of the ethnic group). His broad understanding reminiscent of "civil society" Alexander Dugin and perhaps is a kind of fusion of two ideas: Western, society as a community of citizens and east, where society is historical and moral entity. "Nation" is a term that describes a "modern people" who are the subject of "sociology of the nation" and therefore generally suitable to the Western understanding of people. As verbal source of the term given natio (interpretation of the nation, tribe), once the term "people" is treated as in the text as a substitute for the nation. As we can see, the influence of the Russian people and concepts of the nation seems less carefully copied in Ukrainian literature than Western theory. However, the thesis of A. Suprunenko "people" and "nation" in academic texts does not create belief of "stabilization scientific picture of the world." Notable differences are not dramatic in this gap, but probably situational categorical tools that we have. This still leads to it is hard to recognize the moment in which, referring to the Ukrainian identity, we appeal to people's cultural, political, or people and civil society. Such academic dilemma did not have to decide in advance way of creating the current discourse, even though they affect message-oriented to a wider social categories. The strength and weakness of Ukraine Europeanness This analysis shows that the Ukrainian scientific discourse is firmly rooted in European thinking. The events of the last two years clearly shows that thinking in terms of European people are not the exclusive feature of the Ukrainian elite. The decisive victory of pro-European parties in elections in October 2014 shows that political discourse also reoriented to Western categories supported by much of the public community. Moreover, it appears that Ukrainian-Russian conflict quickly, perhaps reinforces this interpretation crystallization of Ukrainian identity. Indirectly, it can be seen in the territory of Donbass, which is not only the immediate area of ​​armed conflict, but also ideological (or interpretative). By Alla Kyrydon [11], now they can observe complex social processes that do not fit in the interpretative framework nor Russian nor European national paradigm. Thus, formed a specific area of ​​discourse border, which is not some vision displacement of people, but some or unstable form of interpreting others and ourselves. The uniqueness of the intellectual and political orientation - a Ukrainian strengths Europeanness. The weak point is that, from a sociological point of view, so far there are no preconditions that would indicate whether and how strongly this direction rooted in everyday life, in local discourses Ukrainian society. It should also be remembered that in the parliamentary elections was attended by just over half of voters (52.42%). Thus, even under distinct threat to Ukrainian statehood much of society can remain politically inert.

References

1. Bachtin Michaił, 1982, Słowo w powieści, w: tenże, Problemy literatury i estetyki, tłum. Wincenty Grajewski, Czytelnik, Warszawa.2. Anderson Benedict, 1997, Wspólnoty wyobrażone, tłum. Stefan Amsterdamski, Znak, Kraków.3. Gellner Ernest, 1991, Narody i nacjonalizm, tłum. T. Hołówka, PIW, Warszawa.4. Eller Jack, 1999, From Culture to Ethnicity to Conflict, University of Michigan Press, Michigan.5. Billig Michael, 2008, Banalny nacjonalizm, tłum. Maciek Sekerdej, Znak, Kraków.6. Suprunenko Olha, 2008, Sensy społeczne versus struktura społeczeństwa ukraińskiego: szkic hipotetyczny, tłum. Bogdan Salej, "Nowa Ukraina", z.1-2(5-6).7. Giddens Anthony, 2001, Nowoczesność i tożsamość. "Ja" i społeczeństwo w epoce późnej nowoczesności, tłum. A. Sulżycka, PWN, Warszawa.8. Karnaukh Alla, 2013, Świadomość narodowa po komunizmie w wieloetnicznych zbiorowościach na Zaporożu, praca doktorska, maszynopis, Wydział Socjologiczno-Historyczny, Uniwersytet Rzeszowski.9. Jaroslav Hrycak, 2002, On sensovnist and bezsensvonist nationalism in Ukraine, "the spirit and the letter", nr 11-12.10. Aleksandr Duhyn 10, 2004, The "Evrasia" Yauza, Moscow; Aleksandr Duhyn, 2011, Эtnosotsyolohyya, Academic Project, Moscow.11. Kyrydon Alla, 2015, Rekonstrukcja mapy myśli Majdanu na podstawie obrazów mieszkańców Donbasu, w: A. Chudzik (red.), Na pograniczach. Kulturowe obrazy ludzi i miejsc, Kraków.

"Columbia consensus"

Oleksiy Poltorakov, Oleg Chabala

Summary

The article is determine the main ideas of "Colombian consensus" considering both internal and external aspects and impacts. It focused through the scope of Ukrainian dimension, Minsk process and dispute settlement. At the same time, the following tasks: finding the specifics of peacemaking processes; setting to the place and prospects of Ukraine; identify differences Colombian situation of Ukrainian realities; comparing and modeling a basis for respective variants of future development the process of implementations of Minsk agreements.Key words: Colombia, peace process, Ukraine, Colombia consensus, international context. In Colombia in recent years there is the process of reconciliation in order to finally resolve internal conflict that lasts for more than half a century. Even though the government of this country and the rebels on organization FARC-EP (Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia - People Army) recently signed peace agreement - the document volume in 297 pages!, - is not indicative of the full settlement of the situation.A significant consequence for Colombia is the fact that the civil conflict, which lasts from 1964, led to the deaths of at least 200-250 thousand people. To this should involve and almost 10 million "army" of refugees. Demographic losses and humanitarian issues in the country with almost 49 million people is more than convincing fact for compromise and full of conflict resolution for the prosperity of the state. Despite significant efforts to implement "Columbia consensus", this process can not be considered unproblematic. Were prevented various internal factors, among which highlight the remnants of the past and the consequences of years of ideological conflict. Legitimize political agreement was called a national referendum held on October 2, which was to give the president the right to submit to parliament draft laws related to the peace agreement. However, in the will, which was taught to only 38% of citizens of the small margin (0.5%) defeated opponents "peace agreement" with the guerrillas. This is despite the fact that, according to data from the National Center of Historical Memory Colombia in 1958-2013 were killed about 220 thousand people, most of them civilians was (about 177.5 thousand people) and 5 million Colombians were forced to leave their homes only in the 1985-2012. Awarding the Nobel Peace Prize to President of Colombia Juan Manuel Santos - the former defense minister, who was considered a supporter of "hard" position / line, "conservative neoliberals" - is unlikely to significantly affect the situation. Instead, there is a chance that this may just slow down and / or freeze the relevant process. It is noteworthy that one of the most likely candidates for the winners was also the leader of the group "Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia - Army of the people" Rodrigo Londono Echeverri (aka "Tymoleon Jimenez" or "Comandante Tymoshenko," which took a pseudonym in honor of the Ukrainian Soviet Marshal Semyon Timoshenko). After all, he and President Santos signed an agreement to end the armed conflict and the transition to postkonfrontatsiynoho political discourse. The fact that R.L. Echeverri not won, shows that the international community as a full state-political actor does not deal his political and military power. Accordingly, its legitimization and international legal recognition until seen as a significant call (threats) norms and principles of world order. Thus, FARC did not analogous to the Palestine Liberation Organization. This time the scheme was not used awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize participants of peaceful conflict on both sides (for example, in 1994 the prize was awarded to the Israeli and Palestinian participants in the peace process, Shimon Peres and I. Rabin - on the one hand, and on the other - I. Arafat, the undisputed leader of the association of Palestine, which, moreover, considered to the 1988 terrorist). It is important to note that the ideological basis of Colombian FARC-EP based on the paradigm of Marxist-Leninist communism local "Bolivarian" shade [1]. However, major international organizations accused Colombian rebels that they exist by kidnapping (ransom for the liberation) and the supply of cocaine to the United States and other countries. Not by chance, after the events of September 11, 2001, the US packaged FARC in the number of "terrorist" organizations; The European Union later took a similar decision. Problems of "Columbia consensus" as a whole should be considered in three key contexts overlapping and partially intertwined - national (Colombian), regional (Latin American) and global (global). National context is determined, above all, extremely unstable and complicated state of affairs, complemented confusing institutional placement of key forces. The situation further complicates the varying degree of internal participants along with regional and extra-regional actors (from drug cartels to superpowers) persuasion. Significant impact on the peace process, in particular, has a problem of exhaustion of capacity and resources - human, moral and psychological. Thus, in the example, according to expert estimates, now in the ranks of the FARC-EP is not more than 8 thousand "soldiers", while in acute conflict, its population reached 20,000. Weighty importance and social and humanitarian factors that encourage the parties to the conflict demilitarized dialogue and find a political compromise. Besides bone guerrilla forces of the representatives of the rural population who are tired of confrontation. The settlement of the conflict is complicated by the fact that the conflict involved at least three key parties - the government army right extreme group ("paramilitarios") and left-wing revolutionary groups. The basis paramilitaros up the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (Spanish: Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia, AUC), which, although they were dissolved, but finally stopped its existence. Left radocals are not only the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia - People Army (Spanish: Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia - Ejército del Pueblo, FARC-EP), but the National Liberation Army (Spanish: Ejército de Liberación Nacional, ELN). The regional dimension of the problems associated primarily with the interests of the United States. However, we are not talking only about the US-Colombian relations in general Latin American context. It should also consider the existence, albeit latent, but significant problems at the bilateral and multilateral levels, which are attached to the problem itself, not only Colombia but also its neighbors - from Panama to Venezuela. Additional regional dimension of the problems exacerbate the difficult historical and political relations of Colombia with countries such as Venezuela and Ecuador (up to 1830 Colombia together with Venezuela and Ecuador were part of the Federation of Gran Colombia.) These neighboring countries in one way or another assisted radical left militias Colombia, including in their confrontation with the central government. It is, above all, on the deployment of guerrilla camps in Venezuelan and Ecuadorian border areas, etc. [2]. Colombian authorities have repeatedly accused the state to support these left radicals to the same side were almost on the brink of war, including action by Colombian military forces outside the national borders of the country. According to the American Spanish-speaking newspaper el Nuevo Herald (27.08.2015), the last of Colombian-Venezuelan conflict in 2015 came as a result of the signing of Colombian President H.-M. Santos extradition order to the United States two members of the cartel Los Soles operating in the border areas of Colombia and Venezuela that could give evidence on the relationship between senior Venezuelan officials and drug trafficking. Anyway, US award pro-American figure not only increases the political position of the US in Colombia, but additionally "enriched" Barack Obama's image as a peacemaker. An additional factor that confuses the situation, can be considered a transnational problem of drug trafficking and related organized crime. During the years of conflict such subjects as drug cartels Colombian reality and the rebels entered a symbiosis [3]. For example, the 7th partisan Conference (1982) FARC-EP decided to recover "revolutionary taxes" from big producers of cocaine. [4] Then Colombian government started calling them "junkie-Guerrilla". Essential is the weakness of the Colombian state in remote provinces, affecting the parallel existence of the Colombian state's economy and the economy of the rebels. The boundaries between legal and shadow economy erased. In one form or another in certain areas, the so-called acts "Guerrilla capitalism" (Guerrilla Capitalism) [5]. These rebels are successfully replacing power governors of their power. Thus guerrillas carried out, albeit limited, state functions (collecting taxes, etc.). A significant overall situation for the conflict resolution is the so-called "Left turn" [6,7] - overall growth leftist, left and center-left sentiment across Latin America. This can change the balance of power between "left" and "right" in Colombia, thus pushing the president for the common compromise to certain concessions (amnesty, etc.), as evidenced by the results of the referendum, the public perceived extremely ambiguous.Special importance is global context the problems associated with the phenomenon of so-called "Privatization of violence" that appears on the one hand, the loss of state such as the "right to violence" because the related derivatives victims and issues of trust in the authorities, on the other - are increasingly using new forms of violence by non-state actors. Lessons for Ukraine (rather than conclusions)The difference between the Colombian situation on the Ukrainian reality is, above all, that the rebels in Colombia were not for separation or changing territorial structure of the State. Members of rebel groups rallied early on ideological grounds, representing different regions. Insurgents concentrated in rural areas, and the distribution area of ​​conflict covered a significant part of Colombia. Although appropriate statement does not deny their location in mountainous and wooded areas. At the same time, there are a number of common features and some similarity of the processes in Colombia and Ukraine. In Colombia, as in Ukraine, the population is not too supports the peace process, which resulted in amnistuyutsya legalized and former militants who once terrorized the local population. This is what actually divided the population into two fronts, as evidenced by the mixed results of the Colombian referendum. Social discontent relevant processes can result in mutual strengthening of both left- and right-wing movements. So far, too difficult to predict what may result provoked the conflict.In Ukraine, as in Colombia, there are attempts at incorporation participants gangs authorities in their controlled areas through the mechanisms of elections. For Ukraine can be considered risky situation "privatization of violence" in an external context "hybrid warfare" and legitimization over "doubtful" units (FSC / NPT) and members of illegal formations and their subsequent entry into the Ukrainian authorities both regionally and on national level.

References

1. M.V. Kusakina Bolivarizma concept in modern political thought in Latin America (1980s -.. The beginning of the XXI century). Diss. a. his political science. - M., 2008.2. D.V. Petrikin "Hot Spot" of the Andean region: Colombia and Venezuela at the beginning of XXI century // Math. Sarat. Univ. Ser. History. International relationships. - 2014. - №1.3. Suarez A.R. Parasites and Predators: Guerrillas and the Insurrection Economy of Colombia // Journal of International Affairs. - Spring 2000. - Vol. 53, # 2.4. Cook T.R. The Financial Arm of the FARC: A Threat Finance Perspective.// Journal of Strategic Security. - 2011. - Vol. 4, #. 1.5. Cash A. Guerrilla Capitalism: How to Practice Free Enterprise in an Unfree Economy. - Port Townsend: Loompanics Unlimited, 19846. Beloglazov A.V., Maslennikov A.V. The phenomenon of "left turn" in Latin America in 1998-2012 years // Bulletin of the Chuvash State. Univ. - 2013. - №1.7. Sudarev V..P "Left Turn" in Latin America: the causes, contents, implications. - M., 2007.

Referendum all'italiana: challenge for a united Europe

Viktoriya Vdovychenko

Summary

The article stipulates on the conditions and nature of euroscepticism spreading in the Italian Republic being one of the founding members of the European Union. The issues and prospects of populism and euroscepticism are determined in their impact on the transformational shifts occuring in Italy. It also determines how events in Italy after its December referendum will foster changes in the European political discourse.Keywords: Italian Republic, populism, euroscepticism, European integration, EU. In 2016 the situation with stepping of new ideological forces in Europe and worldwide is lasted. This trend is not new, but it has gained new impetus following the referendums in the UK and the Netherlands, the presidential elections in the US, made adjustments and changes in the integration process of the European Union. The scientific debate around issues of transformation of international relations actualizes the impact of these changes on both the internal and the external policies of the EU. In addition, it is crucial to analyze the attitudes of European citizens in the face of increasing democratic deficit, lack of flexibility and transparency of EU bureaucracy. According become indicative of a significant number of opposition sentiment on the EU institutions and European integration. Actuality of this theme is the meaning of the referendum held on December 4, 2016 on amendments to the Constitution of Italy. For example, the country is indicative study the role of Italian political parties, individual politicians and their internal debate about national identity transformations Italians. The purpose of this article is an attempt to reveal the essence of transformation and populist tendencies caused euroscepticism mood of Italian citizens who were opposed to the introduction of "constitutional" changes proposed by Italian Prime Minister Matteo Renzi.Known euroscepticism sentiments were back in the 70s of XX century when the British were expressed against the involvement of the UK to eurozone countries [1, p.4]. However, the significant spread this term came in 1986, after the statements of the Prime Minister of Great Britain Margaret Thatcher, who expressed concern about the dominance of Brussels in the European Union [2, p.38]. Initially euroscepticism sentiment belonged only insufficient support for further European integration process in the member states of the European Economic Community. However, these effects gradually transformed into a significant or complete opposition of the European integration process in the EU Member States [1, p.4]. Recent developments in the EU and worldwide presence actualized euroscepticism forces of all political parties and groups - supporters of right and left that do not support the European idea. However, euroscepticism sentiment led to the intensification of populist movements and parties in the Member States. Italian researcher Nicola Conti analyzes the attitudes of European integration of Italian political parties in the context of preparations for the elections to the European Parliament and attitude Italian politicians for national referendums. He points out that the national establishment are beginning to treat more inclined to the idea of ​​easing relations with Europe, leading to such term in Italy as "national euroscepticism" [3, pp. 12-14]. However, common notions of populism and euroscepticism on the example of the Italian movement "five stars" interested researchers P. Maroni, M. Lantsoni [4, p. 55]. Yes, Mary Lantsoni notes postmodern nature of this movement, which consequently indicates the feature discourse supporters of the "five stars". Accordingly, this movement is still Italian and transideological and gaining much popularity among Italian regions and citizens of different political views [5, r.59]. The events of 2016 in Italy followed a process that began in 2014, when elections to the European Parliament. Eurosceptics could present their critical mood, transforming them into political declarations and win this representative body. It was then 21.1% of the vote received a "Five Star Movement", which radically changed the socio-political life of Italy in Europe. Strengthening the skeptical attitudes of Italians happened when the government led by Matteo Renzi proposed 47 initiatives that have defined a departure from the system of absolute bicameralism and traditions, established in 1946 with: a) changes in the structure of the Senate and its authority in Section V, Part II of the Constitution; b) the ratio of legislative and executive authorities together with regional; c) the reduction in funding for the National Council for Economy and Labour. Let's consider the peculiarities of these changes. First, the three planned to reduce the number of senators (members of the Upper Chamber of Deputies) with 315 and 100 respectively. They are, according to the prime minister, had composed exclusively of representatives of the regions (the so-called "regional Senate"): 21 Mayor, 74 regional advisers from 20 regions and 5 senators appointed president for a term of 7 years. Thus, the legislature turned in an advisory that would simplify the procedure for adoption of laws by voting only the Chamber of Deputies. However, the Senate would be unnecessary to adopt laws and he totally deprived of the right removal confidence in government. In this regard, secondly, the government proposed the senators receive financial compensation for their work only in local government, not the advice of the Senate. So Renzo government sought to reduce payments on its maintenance. Furthermore, this reform was associated with an attempt to reduce the powers of the regions - the first time since 2006 - in areas related to strategic infrastructure, civil defense and energy with subsequent tradition of central government. Thirdly, according to Renzo, each bill before voting should be made of each chamber without making any changes to it. If the adjustment procedure began again in each chamber, and the decision-making process. This would have a negative impact on the effectiveness of the implementation of the changes envisaged by the bill, but would ensure separation of the central and regional authorities and the consideration of petitions. That reform Renzo deputies obliged to listen to the public. In addition, Renzo proposed reform CNEL (National Council for Economy and Labour). That is, according to Renzo turned on inefficient government advisory body, as from 1957 could develop proposals only 14 bills. Renzo proposed funds of 20 million euros, calculated at the National Council, to pass directly to the budget. After December 4, 2016, when the Italians say "no" to reform Italian Prime Minister Matteo Renzi, it is clear that in 2017 another European country waiting for elections. Recall that the constitutional changes voted - 40.9% of voters and against - 59.1%. Voter turnout was 65.9%. Supported his "yes" Matteo Renzi, only 2 areas of Italy (Emilia Romagna, Tuscany) and the Province of Bolzano. The main attention was paid directly to the political personality of Matteo Renzi and his promise "to leave the prime minister" in the event of a negative result. Unlike many Ukrainian colleagues, Italian politician complied word and the next day resigned. "The way of my Government is over," - said Renzo in his video. Of course, it was not the time strengthen their own interests, along with the desire to reform the country from within, especially after Brexit position and D. Cameron. But the idea of ​​such a reform supported by the European Union and the United States because it would guarantee a certain stability in the banking sector and for the eurozone as a whole. After the publication of the results of the referendum in Italy on the stock exchange was recorded one of the lowest ratio of the euro against the dollar since March 2015 - from 1.0506 to 1.0524 gradual increase (-1.3%). Also in Milan great Italian banks hold urgent meeting on whether sufficient market stability for the recapitalization of assets in the amount of 5.33 billion euros of one of the oldest creditor banks in Europe - Monte dei belts di Siena (Monte dei Paschi di Siena). German experts say about the increasing instability in Europe and the spread of populist trends. At the time of a congress of the Christian Democratic Party, which confirmed the position of Angela Merkel to continue to fight for the seat of Chancellor in 2017. "What will be the stabilization process in one of the largest in Europe - it is difficult to say" - said Manfred Weber, member of the European Parliament from the Christian Socialist Union. However, it is the "how" and "when?" - Two questions are difficult to answer and still in the context of the future of Italy. It becomes clear that the process of internal reform in the country will not take place until late March - early April 2017, will be held until new parliamentary elections. Currently, it is clear that populist parties, such as "Movement 5 Stars" and "North League" will have to carefully work on a common program of action. Interesting is the fact that two days were the movements together to facilitate the implementation of the law "Italikum" which supported Matteo Renzi. Italian electoral law of 2015 ("Italikum") provides for the introduction of the proportional electoral system. It states that the mandates will be distributed on the following principle: the party that has at least 40% of the vote, receives a "majority bonus", i.e. 340 seats of the total 630 MPs in the House. If no party gaining 40%, is the second round with the participation of the two strongest candidates. Of course, follows the law populists do not like because it points directly at the chance "second return" Renzo, because it changes voted by 40.9% of voters in a referendum. Do not forget that Matteo Renzi continues to remain leader of the largest party in parliament. Accordingly, populist movements are set to change the law and return to the Constitutional Court of Italy of 4 December 2013, which repealed the provisions concerning the "majority bonus", i.e. the minimum level of voter support for the party "bonus seats" and the establishment of an absolute majority. In addition, the decision of the court dealt with the contrast to vote separately for each candidate on the list of the party. Democratic Party of Italy, most likely hold some reformatting its composition, because not all "allies" Renz were his allies in a referendum. Specifically to say "yes" in a referendum called Angelino Alfano, Minister of Internal Affairs of Italy and leader of the "New Right Center" Defense Minister Roberta Pinotti, the governor of the region of Friuli-Venezia Giulia Deborah Serrakiani, chairman of the Democratic Party Ettore Rosati, Minister of Cultural Heritage Dario Franceschini and other. However, Renzo M. rival center-left coalition by Pier Luigi Bersani has become the enemy of his reforms. It Bersani joined the "Movement 5 Stars" and "League Nord" to develop a program of technical Italian Government to the election 2017. The tension between politicians started yet then, as Matteo Renzi led government after the resignation of the previous cabinet Technical E. Letta. Left forces that were at the beginning of 2014 the most influential in Italy, Letty initiated resignation and chose a young and charismatic Renzo heading the government. In turn, the populist coalition offers a galaxy of young 30-year political role in the future premiere: the young entrepreneur, deputy chairman of the Chamber of Deputies of Italy Luyizhi de Mayo, head of the regional branch of "Movement 5 Stars" in Lazio Alessandro Di Battista and governor of Turin Kiyary Appendino. Now, the main and control role for the future of Italy just made the president of Italy - Sergio Mattarella, which identified new technical prime minister Paolo Dzhentiloni, former Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Italian Republic. Only in early 2017 it will be possible to evaluate the steps of the prime minister. That can be summarized that Italy began to live with new realities that will determine its priorities for the next decade. So another European country, where existing strong cultural identity, was a step to update their euroscepticism sentiment. The political instability of Italy caused a deep social transformation, and this increases the populist tendencies of both the local and regional levels. Again rather too early to talk about the future of this country, as it requires policy reforms and not just a "technical", but effective.

References

1. Artemova E. Euroscepticism as meystrim contemporary political and ideological space EU / E. Artemova // Gilea: Research Journal. Coll. Science. works. - K .: VIR UAS, 2012. - Vol. 5. - P. 719-721.2. V. Fisanov Euroscepticism, ideas and policies Bukovina // Journal of civil service and local government. - 2010. -№ 2. - P. 38-41.3. ​ Conti N. Party Attitudes to European Integration: A Longitudinal Analysis of the Italian Case // European Parties Elections and Referendums Network Working Paper. - No.13. - Brighton, 2003. - P.12-15.4. Lanzone M.E. The "Post-Modern" Populism in Italy: The Case of the Five Star Movement // Research in Political Sociology. - Volume 22: The Many Faces of Populism: Current Perspectives. - 2014. - Pp.53-78.5. Lanzone M.E. Woods D. Riding the Populist Web: Contextualizing the Five Star Movement (M5S) in Italy // Politics and Governance. - Vol. 3, 2015. - Issue. 2. - Pp.54-64.

Ukrainian-Belarusian dialogue: search for new opportunities

Sergiy Tolstov

Summary

The article presents a review of Ukrainian-Belarusian relations from the pragmatic point of view. Belarus is Russia's closest political and economic partner. These ties obviously affect bilateral relations between Kyiv and Minsk. However, the existing opportunities of economic cooperation and political dialogue may minimize Ukraine's external security threats.Key words: bilateral relations, dialogue, threats, interdependence, the 'Minsk process'. Bilateral relations with neighboring countries is certainly of strategic importance for both sides. Ukraine and Belarus traditionally associated strong ties in the fields of economy, culture, personal relationships. However, there are many differences related to international political positioning, participation in various integration projects and security strategies of both countries. 25th anniversary of establishment of diplomatic relations, which is celebrated in December 2016 g, urged governmental and public circles of the two countries to try to bring a result of the bilateral relations and determine their future prospects. Overview bilateral relations reveals their significant and uneven forces to consider spectrum Ukrainian-Belarusian interaction on individual thematic blocks, the contents of which can significantly vary. This approach is due to the fact that the events of recent years have led to the differentiation of International Relations of Ukraine depending on the ratio of external partners to the crisis Ukrainian-Russian relations. Therefore, in relations with the neighboring Belarus official Kyiv has to consider the status of the partner country in the Eurasian structures, including the Eurasian Economic Union and CSTO.The development of political dialogue and mutual trust between Kyiv and Minsk initiative positively impacted the Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko, designed to promote multilateral talks to resolve the conflict in eastern Ukraine. Despite some critical accusations, the Minsk talks considered useful, unless no alternative mechanism for negotiations on specific issues. Indeed, the OSCE is the only international organization in a position to decide on conflict resolution and practically promote de-escalation of the conflict, and all hopes for UN involvement in vain at least until Russia will use its veto in the Security Council. Despite the importance of cooperation between Ukraine and Belarus in trade, economic cooperation and transit in the analytical report to the Annual Message of the President of Ukraine to the Verkhovna Rada (2016) Belarus is mentioned as one of the top 10 partners of Ukraine in the sphere of military-technical cooperation and in connection with the discussions around the idea of forming the Baltic-Black Sea cooperation system, which, as noted, "can not be considered complete without the inclusion in the process of implementation of Belarus" [1, c. 128]. The Ukrainian side considers the historical and cultural closeness of Belarus to the European civilization, yet it ignores the substantial dependence on economic strategies and military-political course of Russia. According to Belarusian analysts, despite defense commitments of Belarus as a member of the CSTO in Minsk believe that the system of collective security, foreign policy doctrine Republic is a tradition of neutrality influence that defined the status of Belarus in 1991-1993. Thus, in its military doctrine Minsk follows three main clauses which provide for non-placement of foreign troops and military bases on its territory; non-placement of own military in other countries; prevent any threats on neighboring countries. Such systems are designed to prevent the militarization of the national territory and build a relationship of trust with neighboring countries. This is due to the refusal of the Belarusian leadership position in western Belarus Russian airbase. This approach helped to improve the relations of Belarus with the EU and the countries of Central Eastern Europe, including the abolition of economic sanctions. It should also be noted that the experience of the Crimea and Donbas in Minsk are concerned about the deployment of new Russian armored and mechanized troops in direct proximity to the borders of the republic. Belarusian experts are rather skeptical about the economic and security prospects in the Baltic and Black Sea space and ideas formalization of relations between the countries involved in the different direction of economic projects. In their view, should refrain from trying to establish a new organizational structures, use existing formats and features. This includes a free trade agreement between the CIS. Belarus and Kazakhstan recognize its validity, despite the termination of the Russian government of this agreement in the relations of Russia and Ukraine. Remaining unused potential of European regions Dnieper and Bug, which allow you to combine elements of cross-border, transnational and interregional cooperation, getting help from programs and projects of the Eastern Partnership. Both countries should take into account the prospects of development of the Chinese project "New Economic Zone - the Silk Road", which is able to revive economic relations in the Black Sea-Baltic region, involving the Baltic states, Visegrad, Romania, Bulgaria, Belarus, Ukraine and Georgia. By the way, very revealing in this context is the signing of an FTA between Georgia and China. China after the establishment of comprehensive strategic partnership relations (2013) plays in the economic relations of Belarus increasingly important role. Some of the agreements and contracts signed with Belarus during the visit of President of China Ci Jinping (2015), providing significant investments and soft loans. However, the Chinese program alone is not enough to improve the situation in the Belarusian economy, which since 2013 is experiencing considerable difficulties. The state of the Belarusian economy adversely affect unreformed management in large industrial enterprises, European markets closed, the low volume of foreign investment, Western sanctions against Russia, the lack of modern technology and the slow pace of modernization of production. Foreign trade of the country undergoes significant fluctuations, which are partly dependent on seasonal conditions. For comparison - the total volume of foreign trade of Belarus (exports plus imports of goods and services) in October 2016 totaled $ 5.279 billion, showing a minor increase compared to August (by $ 32 million or by + 0,6%). The highest average monthly volume of foreign trade of Belarus observed in 2012, when it stood at $ 8.412 billion, the highest figure since May 2012 ($ 9.605 billion). Instead, the minimum rate of foreign trade was recorded in January 2016 grams - $ 3.845 billion when he approached the record low in January 2009 ($ 3.349 billion) [2]. Belarusian analysts explain the strong performance of exports in the first half of 2012 the increase of oil refining that came from Russia by paying to the budget of the uniform duty on export of petroleum products. A significant decline in foreign trade since mid-2014 explains the decrease in global prices for oil and oil products, as well as narrowing the Russian market demand for consumer and investment goods, as well as in 2008-2009, when a decrease in oil prices and metals, and later - and the consumer. Excluding energy factor, these trends significantly affected the state of the Ukrainian economy. In the 2014-2015 biennium nominal GDP Ukraine decreased from $ 133.5 billion to $ 90.6 billion. The volume of bilateral trade between Ukraine and Belarus, which in 2012 was about $ 8 billion. Significantly decreased in January-September was estimated at $ 2.8 billion. However, despite a significant reduction in trade Belarus Ukraine ranked second, third, Belarus and for Ukraine is the fifth volume trading partner. The issue of improving the conditions of bilateral economic relations was dedicated 24 session of the Ukrainian-Belarusian Intergovernmental Commission on Trade and Economic Cooperation (Minsk, November 10), which was held under the chairmanship of Deputy Prime Minister - Minister of Regional Development, Construction and Housing of Ukraine G. Zubko and first Deputy Prime Minister of Belarus V.Semashko. The meeting discussed practical issues of cooperation in energy, transport, agriculture, transit engineering. A pragmatic approach allowed the parties to agree on plans related to joint production of railway equipment, subway cars and escalators, trucks ecological class "Euro-6" and others. After curtailing contacts with Russian enterprises Kyiv should look for alternative suppliers of products in the field of engineering or establish their issue for Ukrainian factories. Enterprises of Ukraine and Belarus are involved in industrial cooperation and production in both countries municipal, road-building, fire and passenger vehicles. It is planned to expand the range of Belarusian agricultural machinery and equipment for agriculture, manufactured in Ukraine. [3] According to the Belarusian side, an agreement was reached on eliminating some barriers to trade, in particular as regards supplies to Ukraine Belarusian cement and jet fuel. Cooperative relations covering some 100 companies in the mechanical engineering and agriculture. In the field of industrial cooperation in Ukraine has already created several productions for the collection of Belarusian tractors, combines, elevators, cargo vehicles and trolleybuses. Possibility of oil processing at Belarusian oil refineries on the tolling scheme. Most of these projects aims to reduce the cost of production, the need for which have different branches of Ukrainian economy. Despite differences in the declaration of political priorities and the unevenness of the political dialogue, the two countries are fundamentally important economic partners. 25-year experience of working convincingly proved the absence of the parties hostile intentions and readiness for constructive and pragmatic relations that promote constructive cooperation and prosperity of two friendly countries and peoples.

References

1. The analytical report to the Annual Message of the President of Ukraine to the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine "On the internal and external situation of Ukraine in 2016". - K., NISS, 2016. - 688 p.

2. Ravskyy M. Foreign trade of Belarus in September: a record export of services increased the overall balance of the plus / REM - Business Newspaper. 05/11/2016. URL: bdg.by/news/authors/<wbr>vneshnyaya-torgovlya-belarusi-<wbr>v-sentyabre-rekordnyy-eksport-<wbr>uslug-uvelichil-obshchee

3. Gennady Zubko: Continuing Ukrainian-Belarusian industrial cooperation and joint production of equipment for metro, railway and firefighters / Portal. 11/10/2016. URL: www.kmu.gov.ua/control/<wbr>publish/article Italian and Spanish Studies of Professor Piskorski - Look through the centuriesVyacheslav Tsivatyy Review of monograph: Piskorski V.K. Florentine collection / Ans. Ed .: P.S. Sokhan, V.O. Dyatlov; Ed. col.: O.A. Mavrin, O.O. Novikov, Z.. Borysiuk, V.V. Ishchenko I.S. Pichugin, V.O. Dyatlov, MK Keda; Compiled by: Keda M.K., Novikov A.A., I.S. Pichugin / Ukrainian Institute of Archeology and Source Studies. MS National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine; Chernihiv National Pedagogical University. Institute of World History, Russian Academy of Sciences; Research Department of Manuscripts of the Russian State Library. - Singapore; Moscow; Chernіgіv: Kind of "IVI RAN", 2013. - 372 p. ISBN 978-5-94067-392-7. Book readers offered

Italian and Spanish Studies famous historian, Doctor of world history, Professor V.K. Piskorski (29 July (10 August) 1867, Odesa - 03 (16) August 1910, Kazan), founder of Ukrainian Spanish sciences and European Studies.

The idea that the institutional history of making people may seem banal. But it is worth recalling, for even greater extent this applies also to the historical science that works there as its representatives. There may not be a historical figure without science researcher. Sources dead while to turn them inquisitive human mind. Silent folders with archival documents until they reveal the human hand. They sleep in the land of hidden layers centuries the remains of ancient cultures until they touch the spade archaeologist. Therefore the history of historical scholarship - a history of creative scientists. The history of science can sometimes be even more exciting event than detective novels or political. It (history of science) are real people with their passions and desires, victories and defeats, promotion of truth and error. Prof. V.K. Piskorski is ispanoloh historian, medievalist, Ukrainian Spanish science founder, Professor (1899), corresponding member of the Barcelona Royal Academy of Arts and Sciences (1901). April 18, 1901 for services to the Spanish science Piskorski elected a corresponding member of the Barcelona Royal Academy of literature and science, which belonged and history. On this occasion the magazine "Revista critika de Historia y literatura" wrote: "Not long ago we had the opportunity to meet a young teacher of Kiev University V. Piskorski, whose hard work and love of Spanish traditions, learning Spanish history quickly won the sympathy not only the giants of science, but every educated person. Don Piskorski really quickly became a friend of all of us, those with whom he talked and debated. Upon departure, he left behind the best memories and great expectations. His work in Spanish science consist of four books, causing great interest. We will always be grateful to people like Piskorski teacher who managed to devote all his love and power issues internal life of the Spanish people." In its origin V.K. Piskorski belonged to the great, so to speak, a typical family of Kiev, which came way Polish family Piskorski, Sahanskyh Russian, Ukrainian Andriyenko and Kulish. Family Chronicle Piskorski preserved the names and events from the time of the Polish-Lithuanian, but grandfather and father V. Piskorski has had privileges of neither the nobility nor wealth. Grandfather Charles served in Kiev at the post office, the father of Constantine - the gas plant. Surely they inherited it from Vladimir, one of four children in the family, democratic convictions, the habit of work and the ability to endure hardship. Still, worked willingly and wealthier Sahanski: two sisters of Olena Stepanivna, mother of the future scientist, were teachers in Podolski the women's school in Kiev. Brother, along with the famous civil engineer Struve erected railway bridge in Kremenchug and Foundry Bridge in St. Petersburg, in 1886 participated in the creation of the Kiev tram. V. Piskorski's wife, Z. Andriyenko, came from the nobility Cossack family: her great-grandfather fought in the army at Poltava Hetman Danylo Apostol, grandfather and grandmother were serfs. Taras Shevchenko onnce visited them, and this event has become a family legend ... Professor V.Piskorski wrote his works mostly in Russian. He was "conscious Ukrainian" in the common sense of these words now, but belonged to the most devoted sons of Ukraine. He graduated from the historical-philological faculty of Kiev University, where he studied during the 1886-1890. (Student Vladimir Antonovich and I. Luchytskoho). In 1891-1894- Fellow, and from 1893 - assistant professor of Kiev University. The study tour abroad (France) and a long stay in Spain gave him the opportunity to focus the scope of scientific interest in the history of Europe, including Spain, Italy and Portugal. Having worked in the archives of Salamanca, Eskuriala, Valladolid, Murcia, Madrid during the first trip to Spain Piskorski published master's study "Castilian Cortes in the transition period from the Middle Ages to modern times" and in 1897 received a master's degree and three years later in 1901 he defended his doctoral thesis "Serfdom in Catalonia in the Middle Ages"; August 2, 1901 he was awarded a doctorate in world history. V. Piskorski, incidentally, was the first foreign scientists, which allowed to work in the royal archive Spain. His "History of Spain and Portugal" included in the collection "History of Europe for ages and countries" (ed. M. Kareeva and I. Luchytskoho). In the period from 1899 to 1904 principal place of V. Piskorski Nijinsky became the Institute of History and Philology Bezborodko Prince (now - Nizhyn Gogol State University). Prof. V.Piskorski worked at the Department professor of world history. Over time, fate brought prof. V.Piskorski to Kazan, where he taught world history at the Department of Kazan University (from 1906 to 1910 years). According to archive documents, during 1900, 1902, 1907, 1908 and 1910 he made a research trip to Germany, Great Britain, Switzerland, Italy and Portugal. Working here since 1906, professor created the course "Fundamentals of the economic life of Europe," explored the history of Britain, France and Europe as a whole. In that period written "Essays on the History of Western Europe," lectures "History of the Middle Ages", "History of parliamentary institutions" and the popular "History of Spain and Portugal", which is considered fundamental research on the history of these countries in domestic science. In his letters and diaries is found alive and vivid observations related to the stay in Madrid, Berlin, London, Leipzig, Paris, Florence, Rome, Verona, Lisbon, Zaragoza. Difficulties in communication Piskorski did not feel as fluent in European languages, including Polish (his father - a Pole), Greek and Latin. Colleagues called Vladimir "exemplary worker in the European system, almost panhlosom." His scientific achievements have contributed to its inclusion in the renowned scientific institutions: a member of the Historical Society of Nestor the Chronicler at the University of Kiev (from 1890), the Historical Society at St. Petersburg University (from 1891), Historical and Philological Society at the Historical and Philological Institute Prince Bezborodko Nezhine (from 1899), Kiev Society literacy more. In his political views he was a member of the Constitutional Democratic Party. Among the prominent scientific achievements of this outstanding person and scientist worth noting (the name of scientific papers in the original language): Piskorski V.K. The question about the meaning and origin of the six "bad" habits of Catalonia; Piskorski V.K. History of Spain and Portugal. From the fall of the Roman Empire until the early twentieth century; Piskorski V.K. Castilian Cortes (estates assembly) in the period of transition from the Middle Ages to modern times (1188-1520); Piskorski V.K. Serfdom in Catalonia in the Middle Ages; Piskorski V.K. Francesco Ferruccio and his time. Essay Florence last struggle for political freedom (1527-1530). Also prof. V.K. Piskorski wrote several articles for the "Encyclopedic Dictionary Brockhaus and Efron." To peer-reviewed collection includes unpublished scientific articles on the history of Italy, lectures (1894-1895) of the New History (Renaissance) and the republication of the book "Francesco Ferruchy and his time. Essay The last struggle of Florence for political freedom (1527-1530)" (Kiev, 1891. - 194 p.). These works have not lost their relevance for our time. The collection also contains memories of being a scientist in Italy, his correspondence and illustrations. In Italy V. Piskorski visited Rome, Vatican, Fiesole, Venice, Florence "Florence is wonderful, like a dream. I'm terribly happy that I finally - at the heart of Italy." In a letter to his wife Zenaida of 26.VI.07 / 8VII, (Monday, Florence), he said: "... to me, all treated with great respect and not only look to me as "professore" (translation - V. Tsivatyy, C . 364-365). His research interests range research were quite extensive. In his scientific work he recreated historical portraits of Francesco Ferruchi, Savonarola, Garibaldi, Gambetta, Metternich, Bismarck, Leonardo da Vinci, Petrarch, Boccaccio. In the peer-reviewed work reproduced images and portraits of political and diplomatic Savonarola, Chiompi, Garibaldi, Francesco Ferrucci and many other historical figures studied period (pp. 88-146). Not only the history of Spain and Portugal, but also Italy, England, France, methodological problems were the subject of his research interests. However, the main object of his scientific interests became Spain. "It is no exaggeration to say - he learned in a letter - that of all of the Latin West the least understood is the history of Spain." His main research work V. Piskorski will write at home, on Ukrainian territory, "Racing poets in Catalonia in the Middle Ages" (Nezhin, 1900), "The question of the meaning and origin of the "stupid" habits in Catalonia" (K., 1899), "Serfdom in Catalonia in the Middle Ages"(K., 1901), "History of Spain and Portugal" (written in Ukraine, but published in St. Petersburg, 1902) and others. He was the one among professors who maintained students took part in the meetings, the release of political prisoners. And students honored his teacher. Famous folklore, a graduate of the Institute V. Nijinsky Danilov said: "The audience for his lectures was always full. The visual image of him standing in front of me now, after 60 years. It was, in every sense of the word, gentleman; well remembered for his purely "personal" voice. The memory stayed his public lecture on Bismarck and speech at the annual ceremonial meeting of the medieval universities. He told meaningful, well, literary, effectively. Students are very appreciated by historians Vladimir because he attracted them to scientific work" (letter to Piskorski of 3. VI. 1968). When the city was in the wave of reaction, it insisted on students away Professor, saving his life, and science - an outstanding scientist. Historian O. Dobiash-Christmas recalled: "... In the beautiful ancient city, where I met a professor in distant youth, were memories as 1905 Professor Piskorski surprised everyone by acting as a Marxist and left speakers appealed to his "friend" Piskorski. It was not a trifle to provincial and city 1905" ("Culture of Western European Middle Ages." M., 1987, p. 241). The above-mentioned and reviewed in the revision the works of prof. V. Piskorski contain detailed, scientifically based information on the history of institutional, political and diplomatic institutions of the European civil service. Of particular note is the section "memoirs and correspondence" (pp. 362-366), in which a curious reader, find a lot of interesting additional information about the subject and that epoch. In 1988 the Spanish Parliament - Cortez - was 800 years old. Shortly before that (1977) in Barcelona published work from Kiev Vladimir Piskorski "Castilian Cortes in the transition period from the Middle Ages to modern times (1188-1520)." This was the second Spanish edition of the book scientist, who is considered the founder of Ukrainian and Russian Spanish science. In the preface states: "... in 1930 through the efforts of the most outstanding medievalist our time Claudio Sanchez Albornosa was published in Spanish essay on" Courts Castile ... " historian Piskorski, published in ... 1897 But now, when it took half a century, the idea Albornosa on "best research, which you can read about the history of Castilian Cortes' remains appropriate. Can there be a higher grade book, the first edition of which appeared in the Ukrainian city of Kiev 80 years ago? .. Research Piskorski, who were lucky to overcome all storms - is the port, which should go to whoever dares to travel stormy seas medieval Castilian Cortes. Of the three prominent figures of the last century, who were engaged in this issue - Martinez Marina, Kolmeyro and Piskorski - the latter, of course, is more modern. Not surprisingly, there was a need for a new edition of this classic work that has already become a rarity." For example, given an image of Charles III, who recreated in his most famous scientific work prof. V. Piskorski: "Charles III (reigned from 1759 to 1788) attempted to broad social change in the spirit of the Enlightenment XVIII century. When it has been preserved main line upgrade of Spain - its Europeanization. Carried out a gradual withdrawal of state intervention in economic life, some economic liberalization. Strenuous encouraged the development of private initiative in the industry, while protecting it from foreign competition. It was necessary to extend the secular education in all strata of society, and the government did not spare funds for the establishment of numerous elementary and vocational schools, colleges, military colleges, seminaries and academies. "Educating young people is the most important sector of public administration" - as formulated Charles III in 1771 one of the main objectives of its domestic government activities." In the same year universities in Spain and Latin America have autonomy. It is for such activity prof. V. Piskorski praised the political and diplomatic activities of historical figures. Prof. V. Piskorski was a patriot of his homeland. While abroad in academic assignments, he never for a moment think of not leaving their mother-Ukraine. And always, exploring and studying European history and political and diplomatic experience, comparing it with Ukrainian being and political problems at home. Comparative Analysis and closer look at the political events led V. Piskorski to the conclusion that: "Inquisitive sometimes thought of modern man turns back to see how they were born and grew up forces that are fighting for power over the world now." Proceedings of the Kiev scientist led to reflections on contemporary social and legal relations that have developed and evolved in his homeland. In the peer-reviewed work investigates the processes of governments of European countries - legal, financial, administrative and diplomatic - during the formation and establishment of the origins of modern models of governance (from the Middle Ages to modern times). It seems that the political development of the globalized in the world today is not something special, but like any other development, historically is the stage of evolution where new structures or institutions are built gradually, and the revolutionary phase of rapid and qualitative change some structures and institutions in other . It is obvious that such a revolutionary change of the political system we see today and therefore should contribute to the study of historical experience, despite its certain historical distance. History teaches even those she does not want to learn - it simply teach!!! Touching historiographical research of institutional Europe, it should be noted that some authors do not accidentally see the analogy between the development of the world at the turn of the XXI century medieval Europe or Europe of the early modern times. Unfortunately, V. Piskorski tragically died Aug. 3, 1910, by chance fell under a train in the villa area near Kazan railway station Zeleny Dol (now. Zelenodolsk, Republic of Tatarstan, Russian Federation), although the author of publication says his death was not accidental and associated with an active lifestyle and political beliefs. Vladimir K., a man of advanced democratic views, liked free spirit, pride, temperament Spaniards. Probably his death was caused artificially, successfully imitated ... but we hope that history will Slightly us this mystery and explore the tragic mystery. However, it is - and has the following long-term intelligence. Divorced circumstances of life from the land of their ancestors, he never forgot his hometown - Kyiv ("There is nothing more beautiful for Kyiv" - recalled in one of his letters to relatives) and wanted to return home from Kazan. Unfortunately, fate decided otherwise. In Kiev, prof. V. Piskorski found only his last refuge. They buried him at Askold grave of relatives, friends and historian George Omelyanovych Afanasyev, an old teacher, who survived the beloved disciple. Tomb V. Piskorski on Zvirynetsky cemetery protected by the state. His scientific and social activities dedicated a section of the exhibition in Kyiv History Museum. Bright image of this noble man is worthy of respect and memory of posterity. We hope refereed book will interest students of international and students of the Diplomatic Academy of Ukraine at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, will help them in the best sense of modernity to historical examples of the assimilation Initial course "Public Administration and Public Service", "Comparative History, Theory and Practice of Diplomacy" "Diplomacy foreign countries." It is hoped that this work will be useful scientific discovery for students, trainees, graduate students, doctoral students, politicians and diplomats with interest acquainted with the origins of European policy and diplomacy in historical context. The above and peer-reviewed scientific papers prof. V. Piskorski include a high scientific level, availability of teaching materials, expanding worldview reader enrich the information of those interested in the history of political, diplomatic and economic relations in European countries and in historical perspective. In the Ukrainian and world historiography, a sign of commemoration and scientific merit of prof. V. Piskorski, forever stuck him the title of "Ambassador of native science." In 2017 marks 150 years since the birth of the great and famous all over the world Ukrainian scientist medievalist and early newness, historian, specialist in world history, Professor V. Piskorski. Ukraine should be well aware of his characters, and this extraordinary personality, his scientific heritage undoubtedly deserves proper respect and honor in his homeland - UKRAINE!

 

Results of the elections in the United States: what expect Ukraine from the President Donald Trump?

Maksim Iali

Summary

The article summarizes the results of recent elections in the United States and their impact on the possible changes in the strategy of the United States in the international arena after the election of the US president Donald Trump on Ukraine, NATO, Russia and Syria. The analysis of pre-election statements of the US presidential candidate Donald Trump on the future of foreign policy, members of the presidential administration and the candidates for members of the US government, recent statements by influential members of the Republican party in the US Congress as well as of the points of view of the international expert community has been done.Key words: Donald Trump, Vladimir Putin, Ukraine, the USA, Russia, Syria, the annexation of the Crimea, the conflict in the Donbass, the US Congress. The actuality of the research prospects of settlement of the Russian-Ukrainian armed conflict in the Donbass and the recognition of the annexation of Crimea by Russia in the context of the future policies of the administration of US President Donald Trump is what the United States was one of the three signatory countries of the Budapest Memorandum, which guaranteed the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine in exchange for the voluntary abandonment of the third world nuclear capacity. After the breach Russia serve not only a key ally of Ukraine to resolve the conflict in the Donbass in the diplomatic arena, but also to provide (albeit very limited) military and financial aid to our country over the past two and a half years since the annexation of the Crimea and the beginning the so-called "n spring" in eastern Ukraine. And on what will be the policy of the presidential administration Ukraine Donald Trump, depend on the prospects of implementation of the so-called "Minsk-2". Which, by definition all parties directly involved in its implementation, is the only option at present peaceful settlement of the conflict in Donbas. The main purpose of the article is to consider possible scenarios of changes in US policy toward resolving the conflict in Donbas and the annexation of the Crimea in the near future in the context of the position of Donald Trump and his administration's relationship with the Russian Federation and the EU on key international security issues in terms of US national interests. It should also take into account such an important subject for research and analysis of the depth of the fact that the process of building a team of presidential administration J. Trump has not yet been completed, as well as the process of nomination of all candidates for key positions in the new US government (including vacant candidacy of the future Secretary of State, which is responsible for the implementation of foreign policy), which, after prior agreement with both parties must then go through the approval process in the US Congress. The main concern, not only in Ukraine but also in all the key partners of the United States is striving Donald Trump radically change the strategy of America for its involvement in solving the problems of international security, greatly limiting it, and focus primarily on resolving the internal problems of the economy. "America first" - this was the slogan of Donald Trump, who found support among nearly half of the United States who voted for him in the presidential election in November. In other words, return to the strategy of isolationism in the international arena, from which the United States withdrew only after the Japanese Navy attacked Pearl Harbor during World War II. This implies, in particular, reducing appropriations to support as a key military-political alliance NATO, which aims to contribute in the future and Ukraine. In an interview with the newspaper "New York Times" during the campaign, he answered the question about their vision of relations with NATO, "I'll tell you about the problems that I have with NATO. Number 1, we pay too much. NATO is not fair. Because it (NATO) to help them far more than the United States. And we pay a disproportionate share of NATO ... is that his time was excellent. Today it has changed ... It has to change in terms of funding, because the United States made too many funds for NATO" [1]. He also expressed his dissatisfaction with the fact that leading partners in NATO and the EU play an insufficient role in resolving the conflict in Donbas. "Why are countries that border Ukraine or are close to it, do not take active part in resolving the crisis?", - He said, insisting that Washington is too stuck in the difficult job of protecting Ukraine. So in this sense is not difficult to guess that in their negotiations with the EU in the first months of his presidency, Donald Trump will insist on greater participation by the European partners in solving the conflict in the Donbass. And then, of course, another negative factor is the prospect of Ukraine elected president of France in May next year, one of the two pro-Russian presidential candidate Francois and Finona Marie Le Pen, for both stand for the abolition of anti-Russian sanctions and recognition of the annexation of the Crimea. We must also consider that it is the solution to the conflict in Syria, but not in Ukraine, will be the main priority of the administration of the 45th president of the United States in the context of maintaining international security. He said he repeatedly both during his election rallies, and during all three rounds of debates with Hillary Clinton, while never mentioning Ukraine. How, by the way, and Mrs. Clinton, who has extensive experience in practice on the international scene, being the first US secretary of state in the administration of Barack Obama, and repeatedly expressed its support for Ukraine to counter Russian aggression. In this context, priority will play, how will develop cooperation with the Kremlin administration Trump and whether they can improve bilateral relations since the beginning of military aggression Russia in Ukraine only deteriorated, reaching its lowest point since the Cold War. According to the Russian expert of the Moscow Carnegie Center D. Trenin, "the end of 2016 Russia's relations with the United States reached the most dangerous level in decades. In terms of confrontation, which began as a result of the Ukrainian crisis, was a real prospect of direct collision of armed forces of Russia and the US in Syria. If the US president was elected, Hillary Clinton, US-Russian relations have continued motion path that leads to the collision - in fact, it would be more likely. Thus, the establishment of the United States unmanned zone over Syria, which is performed by Hillary Clinton would, in fact, an invitation to test each other's military forces in the Middle East"m[2]. That is why, perhaps, the Russian government and personally Russian President Vladimir Putin during the entire election campaign declared his favorable attitude just to Trump candidacy. And this sympathy, judging by the statements of Trump was mutual. For example, as a US presidential candidate, he repeatedly expressed his positive attitude to Russian President Vladimir Putin calling him a "great leader." It is no coincidence that H. Clinton and representatives of US intelligence last month of the campaign is accusing Russian hackers in cyber attacks and attempts to influence the outcome of elections in the United States. Can not but cause concern in Ukraine and some of the candidates already appointed a team Trump. It is, above all, the former head of General Intelligence Agency, the Pentagon's retired Michael Flynn, who has already agreed to the proposal D. Trump take the post of National Security Advisor. Undoubtedly, this is a very serious negative signal that you want to seriously accept Ukraine. In particular, he was invited last year (not free) to participate at the gala dinner to celebrate the anniversary of the broadcast of the main Kremlin propaganda channel "Russia Today" and sat next to President Putin. So expectations and hopes in Ukraine that the post of Secretary of State receives a longtime antagonist of ex-presidential candidate US Meath Romney (and Will?) Who has repeatedly said that Russia is the main geopolitical enemy of the US, may be exaggerated. Certainly, an encouraging sign for Ukraine was nominated for the post of Secretary (Minister) of Defense retired General James Mattis, who has by nickname "Crazy Dog". According to US experts, he has a chance to gain the necessary support in Congress in both parties [3]. As you know, in the Pentagon since the early 1990s. Ukraine always counting on the grounds of understanding of its interests. There are no signals that the US General Marine Corps has anti-Ukrainian bias. Moreover, Mattis quite sharply condemned the annexation of the Crimea, calling it a threat to the security of Europe and US allies in NATO. He openly considers Russia an aggressor and urged the US to deal with its aggressive policy. Along with US Vice President Mike Pence, he is considered representative of the "hawks" of the Republican Party. And although the current rules, he should not take the post of minister of defense (too short time since his dismissal from the service, and the head of the Pentagon must necessarily be a civilian), however, experts believe that Congress, in this case find a solution to get around formal restrictions. Important to note is the fact that, according to senior fellow at Georgetown University's Jeffrey Hedmin, "retired Marine Corps general in no case allow himself to be used as props or involved in fraud" [4]. Generally, when a brief review nominees Trump to senior positions in his administration and government, it is clear that his team work and experienced professionals who have experience in administrations of George. W. Bush and even Reagan and those who do not has no experience being in senior government positions. How, for example, launched Trump as minister of education wife of the Head of "Amway" Betsy Devos. Many of them follow the same extremely opposing views on the economy and US policies both domestically and abroad. This is bound to cause tension in the team, especially in the first year, and affect the consistency of the decisions Trump. From this perspective, another source of concern for many experts around the world is that Donald Trump himself all his life was a major businessman and has no experience of being in government posts. Therefore it is logical to assume that guide the solution of key international security in general and individual countries in particular, the new American president will be based on the logic of large traders. That is only for reasons of public interest (which is beneficial to the US) rather than concern for the peace of planetary scale inherent Nobel laureate Barack Obama. It is spineless and lack of rigidity in response to the challenges of international security from both Russia, Syria, and even IDIL initially threats to it repeatedly criticized during the eight years in the White House opponents of the Republican Party and personally Donald Trump during the entire election campaign. Now it is certainly possible to say, based on analysis of business experience, Donald Trump and even his campaign that the search for compromise in solving complex issues and tolerance is not its major features. Add unpredictability in forecasting future US foreign policy strategy for the presidency of Donald Trump (because under the US Constitution is the president responsible for its formation) and many ambiguous statements (including the Ukraine), which he first did and then, after a flurry of criticism from experts and political opponents, changed to a completely opposite. However, explaining the inconsistency in their statements, D. Trump gave the following explanation: "We need unpredictability. I would not want them to know my true intentions." However, after the election, during which there were opportunities to make shocking and inconsistent statements to obtain the support of more voters, it is time to produce are genuine and realistic concept that not only meets its ambitions, but also the national interests of the United States. As the professor of international relations at Harvard University, Stephen Walt, "his challenge in foreign policy, and in many respects is figuring out how he can stay true to his pre-election image and act appropriately to the interests of the country. Can he find such foreign concepts that will help him express his nationalist foreign policy instincts - those that helped him inspire his impassioned basis - limited, sensitive and sedatives for Americans and those countries whose friendship we support and appreciate?"[5]. For now, Ukraine is extremely important to understand that what he had to express her respect and future relations with Russia were just pre-election rhetoric, but his real plans. Indeed, judging only from already made during the campaign loud statements (in which he repeatedly expressed his respect for the Russian president, calling that a "great leader", and most importantly - its methods of administration foreign policy. In particular, as, according to Trump Putin thought and strongly committed annexation of Crimea as soon as the winter Olympics in Sochi), it seems that he can not hesitate to go for a deal with Putin in exchange for support in Syria to fight ISIL (left while trying to overthrow the B.Assad regime, supported by Russia) refuse active military, political and economic support for Ukraine, turning it so the sphere of influence of the Kremlin. And even recognize the annexation of Crimea, the possibility of which he also said in one of his television interview: "I will discuss this issue. After all, I was told that the people who live there want to be with Russia." In this sense, it is not surprising that less than a week after the US elections in the pages of American political sufficiently authoritative edition of "The National Inerest", which in recent years often publishes articles with openly pro-Russian views of their authors, was published in collaboration three former employees of prominent law firms - Jeffrey Burt, James and Peter Hitch Pettibouna - called "three-stage strategy of Trump for Ukraine" [6]. The first one provides that "Russia and the West should" agree to disagree "about the status of Crimea indefinitely long period. It is this attitude was in the West to the three Baltic republics from 1940 until the collapse of the Soviet Union. ... It is unlikely to be called subtle or even satisfactory solution, but at least you can implement the measure, and it is justified practical reality." In the second stage, all parties must agree on the status quo of Donbass as part of Ukraine, as well as the ceasefire that effectively implemented. Well, the final, third stage of the program, the United States, Europe, Russia and Ukraine at the level of foreign ministers "should jointly assess the situation and to form a comprehensive package of assistance for the economic recovery in Ukraine." And when formulating the details of the aid package with all parties to create a mechanism to resolve difficult political issues. Moreover, this initiative, convinced American lawyers should come just from the new administration, "becoming preliminary signal that Putin nobody ignores, and that the president-elect wants to work with him as part of the restoration of Russian-American relations with the withdrawal of a constructive level" [6]. Ukraine, in its turn, can be called Russian means "indirect" reparation "or the monetary equivalent of the annexation of the Crimea and the destruction caused to the eastern regions of Ukraine." And Russia, for its part, "will consider the money as payment for her appearance in a reliable trading partner and / or compensation to Ukraine for its rejection of special trade concessions offered by Europe" [6]. Probably, this plan reflects the view that part of the Republican establishment that seeks to establishing practical and non-confrontational relations with Russia. Is Trump agree to it? It is quite another matter. However, we must admit that it is consistent with pre-election rhetoric of the Republican candidates, its business logic and the interests of Moscow. Added intrigue against the backdrop of discussions on the prospects of resolving the Russian-Ukrainian conflict and last, quite unexpected statement, US Congressman Duncan Hunter, Republican he made in an interview with Ukrainian service of "Voice of America" ​​in early December. American politicians openly stated that Ukrainian must give Russia the Crimea in exchange for the withdrawal of Russian troops from Donbass "Are Ukrainian to ensure that the yield of Crimea, recognizing that many Russians live there, many people who feel close to Russia? And recognizing that there Russians want to build a military base that they will not yield. As Ukrainian want the United States invaded Crimea? It is impossible" [7]. He said a possible option, in which Ukraine give Russia the Crimea in exchange for Donbass. "If the Russians are not ready to leave Crimea, but ready to leave eastern Ukraine, is it that bad?" - He said. Perhaps this is hope in the Kremlin. And despite the fact that this US Congressman, who three times had fought in Afghanistan and Iraq as a part of the US Marine Corps, personally visited the front in the Donbas last October and returned to the US with the conviction that the US should provide Ukraine military assistance. Moreover - he was the author of the bill in the US Congress to assist the Ukrainian army, which, incidentally, was recently approved by the lower house of Congress as part of the bill on the financing of national defense in 2017 fiscal year, which provides for the allocation of military assistance to Ukraine in the amount of 350 million dollars [8]. Interestingly in the context of a possible scenario for the exchange Administration D. Trump with the Kremlin and Ukraine on Syria that Congressman Hunter also offers this option. "Russia should withdraw from Ukraine and Georgia, and we let her do what she does in Syria. I think they also need to move away from the borders of the Baltic countries to conduct unannounced stop military exercises to build up forces on the border." Of course, he also hopes that his view is shared by the US and President-elect Donald Trump. However, such hopes Kremlin announced the mouth of an American congressman, are unlikely to be implemented soon. After the above-mentioned draft law on financing of US military spending is approved, importantly, an overwhelming majority (375 congressmen voted "in favor", 34 - "in opposition") in the House of Representatives, contains extremely important for Ukraine position. Specifically, the document is supposed to limit military cooperation between the US and Russia. With few exceptions, the funds from the US defense budget will not be able to spend any bilateral military projects until Russia stops the occupation of Ukrainian territory and acts of aggression that threaten the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine and NATO. The second condition for the resumption of cooperation called the Moscow performance conditions Minsk agreements. The text states that the money you can not spend any actions that may contribute to the recognition of the sovereignty of Russia over the Crimea. [8] Incidentally, the initiator of the bill was Senator John McCain - one of the biggest supporters of Ukraine and criticism of Putin (ever since the beginning of the Russian-Georgian armed conflict in 2008). The representative of the so-called wing "hawks" in the Republican Party. He recently very sharply and quickly responded to the statements of Putin's desire to improve relations with Washington, saying that any attempt to "reset" relations with Russia is unacceptable: "Recently, Vladimir Putin said that he wants to improve relations with the United States. We trust such statements as well as others and made a former KGB agent who led his country to tyranny, killed their political opponents, invaded their neighbors threatened America's allies and tried to spoil the US elections" [9]. Note also that Senator McCain was re-elected for another term by-election to the Senate, which held in parallel with presidential elections. And given his political weight in Congress and importance occupied his position - he is chairman of the Committee on Armed Services of the Senate of the US Congress, it is very important for Ukraine election results to Congress, where the Republican Party won a majority in both houses. So now subject to adjustment and reconciliation Trump relations with the part of influential party members that crushingly criticized for his scandalous statements during the election campaign and opposed his candidacy for the presidency of the US hand in the 45th US president will almost solved. At least in the international arena, where it has under the US Constitution, and so almost no restrictions. In particular, the US president has the right to start military action without the approval of Congress, and only sixty days legislature can cancel. However, as history shows, since the Second World War, during major military operations, US President received the permission of Congress to the use of armed force against other States or led military action abroad on their own initiative. In support of international operations (for example, held the UN) or mutual agreements on security (e.g., NATO) houses of Congress only sanctioned legitimacy has conducted military operations. In the case where Trump will not be able to reach an agreement with the Republican establishment and its representatives in both houses of Congress, and its policies and uncoordinated decision will lead to bitter results for the US economy and / or main sponsors of the Republican Party (TNC military, oil, Uoll- Street), the Republicans may even deliberately reckless push for Trump decisions (including military action) without the consent of Congress. Then, with the support of Democrats in the Senate (requires 2/3 vote) declare impeachment to it (the procedure takes at least a year). According to the US Supreme Court (rendered in the proceedings of likely impeachment R. Nixon) Congress determines which actions may be grounds for impeachment, and the court has no right to view such decisions. In any case, the threat of impeachment will be the most effective means of adjusting the foreign policy D.Tramp. Thus, according to the US Constitution, in the event of dismissal or departure from office of President one reason or another (in this case - impeachment), its place new holds regular elections vice president. And Michael Pence, given his party experience and track record, is probably the figure that fully suits Washington Republican establishment, among which, stress, almost no supporters in Russia. As for the prospects of recognition D. Trump annexation of Crimea and the removal of anti-Russian sanctions, there just might speak of a high degree of probability that this will happen. At least in the first year of his presidency. Indeed, on this issue in the US Congress is a consensus between the two main parties that make decisions and the Obama administration for their input - as well as a resolution on the condemnation of the military aggression of the Donbas. We need to be patient and see what will work such diverse team chaired by J. Trump on the international scene in the first half-year. As the senior researcher of the "Atlantic Council" Jeffrey Gediminas "Tip is as follows: See the new nationalism, realism ultimately collapse from its internal contradictions" [4].Quite another question whether Ukraine has this time ...

References

1. Highlights From Our Interview With Donald Trump on Foreign Policy // New York Times - 27.03.2016. - [Електронний ресур] - Режим доступу: www.nytimes.com/2016/<wbr>03/27/us/politics/donald-<wbr>trump-interview-highlights.<wbr>html2. Trenin D. On the west direction: Russian politics after the US presidential elections / Dmitri Trenin of the Carnegie Moscow Center // - 12/07/2016 - [E-resur] - Access mode: carnegie.ru/2016/12/07/ ru-pub-66357? mkt_tok = eyJpIjoiTkRWbU5EWmpZV0U0TURaaS<wbr>IsInQiOiJqbDZva3ljVlpsU3dlWjVP<wbr>dXBUQWRaeTEyRm5BTW9zczFROU1EMl<wbr>ZabnZuUnM0RFwvQ2tLYzlKZmtGamE3<wbr>VUR5Mzk3ZGJPV0lZWHZiSWNBRlRvUX<wbr>RwR3NVb3. Lake E. Why Trump's Washington Loves 'Mad Dog' Mattis /Eli Lake // Bloomberg. - [Електронний ресур] - Режим доступу: https://www.bloomberg.com/<wbr>view/articles/2016-11-20/why-<wbr>trump-s-washington-loves-mad-<wbr>dog-mattis#disqus_thread.4. Gedminin J. Time of Trump, Advice to Friends of Ukraine (And Democracy) / Jeffrey Gedminin // Atlantic Council. - [Електронний ресур] - Режим доступу: www.atlanticcouncil.<wbr>org/blogs/new-atlanticist/in-<wbr>time-of-trump-advice-to-<wbr>friends-of-ukraine-and-<wbr>democracy.5. Stephen W. Could There Be a Peace of Trumphalia? / Walt Stephen // Foreign Policy - November 14, 2016 - [Електронний ресур] - Режим доступу: foreignpolicy.com/2016/<wbr>11/14/could-there-be-a-peace-<wbr>of-trumphalia/6. Burt J., Hitch J., Pettibone P., Shillinglaw T . A 3-Step Strategy for Trump on Ukraine / Jeffrey Burt, James Hitch, Peter Pettibone, Thomas Shillinglaw // The National Interest / - November 14, 2016 nationalinterest.org/<wbr>blog/the-skeptics/3-step-<wbr>strategy-trump-ukraine-184037. Trump wants to exchange the Donbass Crimea, there was a video of a loud statement - [Electronic Property by] - Access: novyny.online.ua/761284/u-<wbr>trampa-hochut-obminyati-<wbr>donbas-na-krim-zyavilosya- video-z-guchnoyu-zayavoyu /.8. US House of Representatives voted against the Pentagon's military cooperation with Russia // Voice of America - [E-resur] - Access mode: www.golos-ameriki.ru/a/<wbr>congress-votes-against-tight-<wbr>us-russia -military-cooperation / 3621093.html).9. A Trump administration thaw with Russia is 'unacceptable,' McCain says // Washington Post. - 15.11.2016 - [Електронний ресур] - Режим доступу: https://www.washingtonpost.<wbr>com/world/national-security/a-<wbr>trump-administration-thaw-<wbr>with-russia-is-unacceptable-<wbr>mccain-says/2016/11/15/<wbr>a3b5c4da-ab5a-11e6-8b45-<wbr>f8e493f06fcd_story.html?utm_<wbr>term=.05a8cd905844.

 

 

Diplomacy and diplomatic tools of Francis I Valois (1515-1547):Historical, institutional and foreign policy contexts

Vyacheslav Tsivatyy, Lyudmila Vashchuk

Summary

The basic directions of foreign policy and diplomacy features of the formation model of France in the late of Middle Ages and early Modern period (XVI-XVIII century) is anaIized at the article. Particular attention is given to institutional development, achievements, problems and prospects of French diplomacy and the diplomatic service during the reign of Francis I Valois (1515-1547) in the context of European development studying period. Attention is paid to national characteristics diplomacy, efficiency diplomatic instruments and art negotiations Renaissance ruler Francis I Valois.Keywords: foreign policy, diplomacy, institutionalization, diplomatic service, diplomacy model, Francis I Valois (1515-1547), France, Europe. For early days of the New Age is typical objective process driven by the completion of institutional design foreign policy and diplomatic services of the leading European countries in particular - France, Italy and Spain. Accordingly, the question arises original value and priority of the concept of "foreign policy" and "diplomacy". With this issue associated contemporaries and evaluation for various state-legal forms and types of government, institutional political process, characteristics of reality and ideals create problems in covering and practice power models diplomacy, diplomacy institutions, diplomatic tools and more. Since the end of XV-XVI centuries France, like other countries in early modern Europe, there have been significant changes in the socio-political system, manifested in the strengthening of royal power and intensify the process of formation of national states. Along with the state-building processes as their organic component, intensified international relations and diplomacy, prompting establishing new principles of international relations and foreign policy strategies [1, R.15]. From sporadic and unsystematic missions of European countries began a gradual transition to permanent diplomatic missions. The transformation of various spheres of social life in early modern Europe, including the formation of a new format (new rules) international relations, occurred under the influence of humanistic ideas of the Renaissance and the Reformation, which gave a powerful impetus to the development of all dimensions of social life - social, political, economic and socio-cultural . The main "áktor" on the scene change is individual. International relations, foreign policy and diplomacy of France early modern times the second quarter of the sixteenth century personified in the image and actions of the French ruler - Francis I Valois (1515-1547), as the approaches, principles, beliefs, decisions and practical diplomatic action is largely determined by progress French diplomacy sixteenth century predetermined its further development during the ХVI-ХVIІІ. Despite the considerable number of works on this issue remains many debatable issues of foreign policy and diplomatic activities of Francis I. After all documentary evidence should present a clear action of the king and his criticism of political opponents, generating mixed inconsistent findings of researchers. This is mostly true value assessments Union of French Muslim ports whether the actions of the French king compatible with the established model of Christian relations on the Muslim world, if not treacherous in relation to Christian Europe. Equally important in this context and question - how this alliance was necessary for maintaining the authority of France and the royal government. During the reign of Francis I which marked by a sharp confrontation France with the Holy Roman Empire, which lasted from the late fifteenth to the middle of the sixteenth century. British researcher J. Elton resumed the position of most historians about the Italian Wars (1494-1559), calling them destructive and obscure duel between two highly cultured Renaissance rulers - Charles V Gabsburg and Francis I Valois [2, p. 377]. Despite different assessments of researchers on this confrontation, the fact remains that where faced foreign policy interests of the two ambitious leaders, the French king tried to use a familiar diplomatic tools - to join the support of influential rulers (for example, the English monarch Henry VIII and the Roman Pontiffs) and made efforts to establish contacts with non-Catholic rulers (Ottoman, Protestant princes Shmalkaldenskoho Union), which was a significant breach of the traditional medieval world order [3, p. 136-141]. A special strategic direction of the new French diplomacy was the cooperation of Francis I of Suleiman the Magnificent, ruler of the Ottoman Empire. Researcher Jean de Lamar fortunately noticed that the first French king to abandon the traditional attitude of the Christian world to the Turks and made them an active partner in the foreign policy of France. Selecting an ally of the Islamic state was quite a bold decision and Francis in acute antagonism between European Christian and Muslim worlds. In passing, we note that at this time Charles V, who positioned himself as a defender of Christendom, was constantly busy building different anti-Turkish alliance and spent crazy money to fight Islam. Note that Francis I also deliberately positioned himself as religious and devoted Christian faith monarch, as evidenced by the frequent use of it in the ordinance and letters the title "more Christianity King" [4, r.451]. However, fearing condemnation and accusations of treason on Catholic Europe, Francis And yet failed attempts to secularization foreign policy was striking manifestation of mental changes in his mind. Capture of Francis I affected on the establishment of relations between the countries after the defeat of the French army at the Battle of Pavia, 24 February 1525. Francis's mother Louise Savoy, regent of France during the captivity of the king in 1525 on his initiative sent to the port embassy, ​​which, however, has not reached Constantinople. King, who was in Madrid, also sent to the Sultan his agent Jean Frankipani with a letter and spoken messages that have clear proposals - to start the campaign in possession of the Emperor, and France in turn undertook obligations to continue military action against Charles V. Actually, it was a precedent that violated the medieval worldview paradigm where the emphasis has shifted perceptions regarding the definition of "enemy." At the same time, it was a new precedent of Renaissance politics and diplomacy that created Francis. The French king, in the interests of the state and strengthen the authority of the "king-knight", asked the eternal enemies of the Christian world Muslims to fight a personal enemy - the Catholic ruler [5; 6, pp. 183]. In the context of the above events are very interesting letter of reply Sultan, written in early 1526 to Francis I, which shows not only that the French king appealed to Constantinople to help escape from captivity but, despite veiled diplomatic style suggesting in the interest of the ports in such a union. Yes, the Sultan wrote: "You, Francis, King of France country through your trusty agent Frankipani sent a letter to my Porto, shelter rulers; You passed through it some verbal instructions, informed us that the enemy captured your country and you are at this moment are in captivity, and here you are asked for help and tools for your dismissal" [7, r.117]. At first glance it is unclear why the Sultan called enemy Charles V, who "took over your country." It is known that at that time France had no significant territorial losses, in addition to the Duchy of Burgundy. But it was a clear hint / message of Charles V and, at the same time, the political justification for the future of Turkish aggression. Indeed, although the document does not contain information about specific support, Suleiman I in diplomatic form made it clear about his direct interest in military support of France: "Our glorious ancestors and our famous predecessors (may God sanctify their graves) never ceased to fight in order to hit the enemy and conquer new territory. We also go their footsteps. We continuously won the province and a strong fortress. Day and night our horses saddled, our swords ready." Indeed, the promise, as subsequent events showed, filled with threatening content. In 1526 Sultan made a trip to Hungary, defeated at Mohacs Czech-Hungarian army, and in 1529 even threatened Vienna, stronghold of the Habsburgs. Do not remain in debt and Francis I, who launched the winter of Muslim pirates in the harbor of Toulon, which allowed them to rob the Spanish ship - Catholic fleet. Further development of the Franco-Ottoman relations raises some differences of opinion researchers. Thus, the scientist Jean de Lamar argues that in 1528 or 1529 Francis I sent Suleyman to its main agent in Eastern Europe Antonio Rincon, who reached a diplomatic success, he returned to France in 1530 researchers called Rincon successful mission, because its result were Turkish siege of Vienna. Instead, the British historian Robert Knecht believes that the visit of the royal ambassador to the Ottoman Empire was held in July 1530, i.e. after the storming of Vienna. But both historians agree that the diplomatic mission in Constantinople significantly strengthened the union of two states [8, pp. 453-454; 9, pp. 224]. New impetus for deepening cooperation with France Porte was another aggravation of relations with the Empire of Charles V in the 30's. XVI century. Foreign policy and diplomacy of the period of the French king had pronounced secular. Mature monarch, politician and diplomat, Francis I, in the confrontation with Charles V, put again into the background the religious factor and entered into negotiations with the enemies of the Emperor Protestant princes. Dissatisfied of policy of Charles V - John Saxonskyy, Landgrave of Hesse Philip, Ernst Luneburg, Wolfgang Anhaltskyy, Mansfeldskyy and authorized persons from many German cities - created 25 December 1530 in the Hesse town of Schmalkalden defense of religious-political alliance against the Catholic princes and the emperor, to which joined six princes, two graphs and eleven cities, including - Bremen and Magdeburg. Formed quite powerful military and political opposition considered, in addition to religious issues and the problem of protecting territorial sovereignty. In May 1532, Francis I signed a contract with the Duke of Bavaria, Elector of Saxony, Philip of Hesse and others, which provided military mutual assistance. Subsequently, in order to achieve success in the confrontation with Charles V, King of France concluded in 1534 irresponsible, from the Catholic point of view, the alliance with princes Shmalkaldenskoho union, which again contained the conditions for mutual military assistance. At the same time Francis I held talks with King Henry VIII. It is possible that Francis to establish relations with Britain used the moment when Henry broke off relations with the Vatican and declared himself head of the Anglican Church. That autumn 1532 between France and England signed the London agreement, according to which monarchs pledged to assist each other in case of war a party with the emperor. Also in October the same year, in a meeting of governors of Boulogne, which were a key issue is not the relationship with Charles V, and the issue of Turkish threats and jointly address it. It should be noted that Francis did not plan to start military action against Suleiman, but this did not prevent him to enlist the support of England. Also note that in choosing Francis ally of King is not guided by religious affiliation. Another area of diplomatic activity and Francis had a relationship with the papacy. In 1533, Catherine de Medici married the youngest son of Francis I - French Dauphin and future King Henry II of Valois (1547-1559). This marriage of the son of the King of France niece Julia Medici, known since 1523 as Pope Clement VII gave impetus to the convergence between Fontainebleau and the Vatican court. After the death of the pope, in 1534, Francis began to consider new combinations diplomatic agreements and political alliances that could strengthen his position. Not surprisingly, the view of the monarch again fell to the Ottoman Empire, which has more than once showed willingness to cooperate with France. Determined to get support most dangerous enemy of the emperor, in 1535 the king sent its ambassador to the Sultan of Jean de La Foret (Jean de La Forêt, de la Forest). The French ambassador, visited Tunisia in May 1535 came accompanied Charles de Mariyaka who served him secretary Hyuyoma bed and Constantinople. Jean de La Foret, in addition to its diplomatic activity, was known to contemporaries as an expert in ancient languages and had contacts with many European humanists of the time. In passing, we note that de la Foret was the first permanent French ambassador at the court of the Sultan, and after his death in 1537 it was replaced by A. Rincon. The letter which de la Foret gave Sultan, Francis and reiterated their desire for peace, but then complained that his intentions hinder the action of Charles V. And so the king asked Suleiman to France in subsidies for 1 million gold crowns and a Turkish aid navy. It was noted that the joint action against better to Emperor in Italy, where it is most vulnerable and helpless. Francis choice is quite logical, because Italy has become a stumbling block between the French and the imperial crown and the scene of fighting for more than one decade. The negotiations, in which took active part personal advisor Suleiman - the first Vizier Ibrahim Pasha, lasted more than six months. The result was the first formal agreement between the Christian and Muslim France Porte. It should be noted that in the text of the document and the date 1535, however after French explorer M. de Ammerom was clarified by crosschecking with other sources that the contract signed later - in February 1536. Contents and conditions of the agreement, at first glance, were not aimed against third countries. Speaking prior oral agreement that emerged in 1526, the sides noted the remoteness of their cooperation. Although the document is conditioned by political and military mutual assistance, but never stated that the alliance directed against Charles V. That basic agreement, which show the action participants. A. Rincon brokered negotiations between the Porte and France in 1539 during another boost relations between states. Although the principal achievement for France was favorable terms of trade with the Ottoman Empire (trade and economic relations in a document given most attention), but did not question was the purpose of the contract. As subsequent events showed, during another war Emperor Francis I of France actively supported the Port of sea military campaigns. So, we can say that the new principles and direction of French foreign policy, and therefore - diplomatic tools were the result of ideological transformation King. However, the need to find another question: how was possible the process of secularization of consciousness of Francis I. To better understand the stated problem, to analyze evidence contemporaries king. On the diplomatic mission de la Foret recalls in his memoirs known Parisian, who lived during the reign of Francis I [10, p. 440]. The author was not close to the court of the king, as evidenced by the same source, but he closely followed the political life of the country and carefully describe all that he saw with his own eyes or heard by the same ordinary people. The mention in the diary of relations with the Ottoman king, first and foremost, indicates that the relationship gained wide publicity among the French, and therefore not hidden king. Contemporary of Francis reported that in late December 1534 came to France Turkish embassy and went in Chatellerault, where at that time were the king and queen. Later, with the king they got to Paris. Clearly, the simple and little informed person, not too diplomatic knowing the intricacies of the game, took this event as their world view. Parisian informs: "The buzz was when they came from the Turks in order to form an alliance with the King through marriage, and to baptize himself and his son to the King sent to Turkey Monsieur de la Foret with the aforesaid ambassador, there have been about twelve man ". Although the author notes that this event has caused considerable resonance in the society, but it reflects the usual medieval model of international relations, alliances between states strengthened dynastic marriages; cooperation with the Muslim ruler is possible only in case of acceptance of Christianity and baptized his son was to be the key to "clean" the offspring of a future marriage. In this interpretation Francis, directing the embassy to Constantinople, appears more and Christian missionary [11; 12]. Thus, Parisian, or even imagined any other form of cooperation with the Muslim ruler or monarch covered the action, realizing that sending embassies to ports for the purpose of an alliance to some extent discredits Francis as "the most Christianity king." Unknown author found that such a form of cooperation is not acceptable for a Christian Europe or Paris for the average citizen. Despite the fact that of the two likely assumptions, is a clear difference between philosophical paradigms average citizen how this unknown Parisian and Renaissance ruler Francis I, open to everything new, even unacceptable for the majority. Collaboration of Francis I, King of the great Christian state with a Muslim Porte has not gone unnoticed in European society. April 17, 1536 Charles V gave the Vatican before the new Pope Paul III (1534-1549) and the College of Cardinals to the report, which was directed against Francis I of Valois and that is a vivid illustration of such a perception of foreign policy and diplomacy elite part of society. Emperor, leader of Christian-Catholic world, denounced the "treacherous" relations with the French king Ottoman Empire. This "alliance of lily and crescent" caused a negative response in society, but none of the powerful international bodies XVI did not take any sanctions against France. In addition, in 40 years, the last period of his reign, King continued to use contact with the Protestant princes to strengthen its foreign policy and diplomatic positions of authority. It is clear that the cooperation of France with both the Ottoman and the German princes was a direct result of the struggle between two powerful European dynasty Habsburg and Valois for hegemony in Europe, during which Francis I was guided not only traditional approaches as acting on the basis of the benefit of the French kingdom . The official title of Francis I - "Grace of God King of France" - supplemented by the principle: "The king is emperor in his kingdom", and therefore does not depend on external forces (the pope or the emperor) [13, pp. 48-54; 14]. Thus, Francis I Valois (1515-1547) enters the diplomatic, military, political and economic interaction with the rulers of different faiths. King puts the affairs of state in the first place, moving to a secondary position the religious factor. In foreign policy, clearly felt the monarch developments of modern times, a departure from the medieval norms of interaction of international relations. Ignoring the antagonism between the Christian West and Muslim East, Francis and demonstrate their own foreign diplomatic position and views, cleansed of medieval religious beliefs. At the turn of the XV-XVI centuries there is genesis of institutional processes of a new foreign policy and diplomacy, which find their detection within a day early modern and modern times. One of the influential political and diplomatic áktors and founders of these processes was France - that it served as a model of diplomacy model for the creation and implementation of effective diplomatic tools in all European countries studied period. Finally, we would like to note that in recent years, becoming noticeable tendency to prevalence in research subjects generalizing. But we should not underestimate the importance of local, regional and geographic perspective. After all, the history of diplomacy has left us ample evidence when something that long overlooked, resulted in significant changes in the historical and political development not only of individual regions and countries, but also civilizations and societies as a whole. The key to conflict resolution is likely this day should also look at the historical plane and the diplomatic experience of past centuries.

References

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